New SSRN article on the UK's 'Transforming Public Procurement' Green Paper

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I have uploaded on SSRN the new article ‘The UK’s Green Paper on Post-Brexit Public Procurement Reform: Transformation or Overcomplication?’, which will appear in the European Procurement & Public Private Partnership Law Review soon. The article builds on my earlier submission to the ongoing public consultation (still open, submissions accepted until 10 March 2021). The abstract is as follows:

In December 2020, seeking to start cashing in on its desired ‘Brexit dividends’, the UK Government published the Green Paper ‘Transforming Public Procurement’. The Green Paper sets out a blueprint for the reform of UK public procurement law that aims to depart from the regulatory baseline of EU law and deliver a much-touted ‘bonfire of procurement red tape’. The Green Paper seeks ‘to speed up and simplify [UK] procurement processes, place value for money at their heart, and unleash opportunities for small businesses, charities and social enterprises to innovate in public service delivery’. The Green Paper seeks to do so by creating ‘a progressive, modern regime which can adapt to the fastmoving environment in which business operates’ underpinned by ‘a culture of continuous improvement to support more resilient, diverse and innovative supply chains.’ I argue that the Green Paper has very limited transformative potential and that its proposals merely represent an ‘EU law +’ approach to the regulation of public procurement that would only result in an overcomplicated regulatory infrastructure, additional administrative burdens for both public buyers and economic operators, and tensions and contradictions in the oversight model. I conclude that a substantial rethink is needed if the Green Paper’s goals are to be achieved.

The full paper is free to download: Sanchez-Graells, Albert, The UK’s Green Paper on Post-Brexit Public Procurement Reform: Transformation or Overcomplication? (February 17, 2021). To be published in (2021) European Procurement & Public Private Partnership Law Review, forthcoming, Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=3787380. As always, feedback most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

'Public procurement' for Global Dictionary of Competition Law

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I have been invited to contribute an entry on ‘public procurement’ for a new Global Dictionary of Competition Law (Concurrences Books, forthcoming). The initial draft of the entry is below. Comments welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

Public Procurement
Albert Sanchez-Graells
University of Bristol Law School

Definition

Public procurement rules govern the award of government or public contracts for the acquisition of supplies, works or services, including the direct provision of public services to citizens. Public procurement rules seek to foster effective competition for public contracts to generate value for money, and to harness competition as an anticorruption tool to ensure integrity and probity in the expenditure of public funds. The main challenges to effective competition in public procurement settings are bid rigging (or collusion among bidders), which risk is heightened by the transparency inherent to procurement processes, and anticompetitive requirements imposed by the public buyer.

Commentary

The effectiveness of public procurement and its ability to deliver value for money depend on the existence of two layers of competition: competition in the market for the goods, works or services to be acquired, and competition within the tender for a specific contract. While most competition analysis focuses on the existence (or absence) of competition within the tender and tends to assimilate this with models of competition for the market, this is a short-sighted approach. Except for very rare public contracts for goods, services or works for which the public buyer is a monopsonist—mainly in sectors such as defence—most public tenders take place in a framework of competition in the market, and one with many private and public buyers seeking to purchase from a range of potential suppliers (for example, tenders for the acquisition of cloud services, general supplies, or school meals). Therefore, it is important not only to ensure that procurement rules and administrative practices prevent distortions of competition within a given tender, but also that they do not generate negative knock-on effects on (dynamic) competition in the relevant market.

The most commonly discussed distortion of competition within a public tender concerns anticompetitive agreements between bidders (bid rigging) that seek to manipulate the competition for the public contract and to extract excessive rents from the public buyer. The mechanics of bid rigging schemes are widely understood, including predominant strategies such as cover bidding, bid suppression, bid rotation and market allocation. However, these anticompetitive practices are also difficult to prevent in oligopolistic or concentrated markets because the transparency inherent to public tenders significantly facilitates monitoring of the cartelists’ bidding behaviour, and because the atomisation of public tenders requires a significant investment in market screening tools to spot suspicious patterns across regional markets and over time. Fighting cartels in public procurement settings has become a high priority for most competition authorities in recent years, in part as a result of the OECD’s work on this area—see its 2012 Recommendation on Fighting Bid Rigging in Public Procurement—as well as the push by the International Competition Network. There is also hope in the development of effective systems of automated screening and red flags where public procurement is conducted electronically (of which there is longstanding experience eg in Korea in relation to its eProcurement platform KONEPS), but these require a solid procurement data architecture which absence has marred recent attempts in jurisdictions such as the UK and its now abandoned ‘Screening for cartels’ tool.

An additional difficulty in ensuring effective competition within a given tender derives from the unclear boundary between anticompetitive practices such as bid rigging and procompetitive cooperation through teaming, joint bidding and subcontracting arrangements between bidders. There is currently significant debate about the limits to cooperation between (potential) competitors in the context of procurement procedures, as well as whether it should be treated as a restriction of competition by object or by effect for the purposes of Article 101 TFEU. The debate is particularly alive in Scandinavian countries, following a 2016 Decision by the EFTA Court in the Ski and Follo Taxi case, and a more recent 2019 Judgment by the Danish Supreme Court in the Road Markings case, which has led to a revision of the Danish Competition and Consumer Authority’s guidelines on joint bidding. The main points of contention about the state of the law concern the counterfactual to be used to determine that joint bidders are (potential) competitors, as well as the measurement of any efficiencies passed on to the public buyer.

In order to empower public buyers to self-protect against bid rigging and to strengthen the effectiveness of competition law in public procurement settings, EU procurement rules have created discretionary grounds for the exclusion of bidders ‘where the contracting authority has sufficiently plausible indications to conclude that the economic operator has entered into agreements with other economic operators aimed at distorting competition’, as well as in cases ‘where the contracting authority can demonstrate by appropriate means that the economic operator is guilty of grave professional misconduct, which renders its integrity questionable’—which the Court of Justice of the EU has interpreted as inclusive of non-procurement related breaches of competition law (Generali-Providencia Biztosító). Recent Court of Justice case law has clarified the extent to which these exclusion grounds are applicable where bidders have benefitted from leniency, as well as the intensity of the duty to cooperate incumbent upon bidders seeking to avoid exclusion through self-cleaning measures (Vossloh Laeis). The system created under the EU rules is converging with those of other major jurisdictions, such as the US, where the Federal Acquisitions Regulations allow for similar approaches to assessing the responsiveness (or reliability) of bidders engaged in anticompetitive practices.

Beyond the abovementioned issues, which are all concerned with bidder behaviour, it is important to stress that competition within a public tender can be restricted through decisions made by the public buyer, such as the imposition of excessive participation requirements, the choice of suppliers in less than fully open procedures or foreclosure through eg the use of excessively broad and excessively long framework agreements. Such restrictions of competition can not only generate losses of value for money in the allocation of the specific contract, but also have negative effects on dynamic competition in the relevant market. Unfortunately, the direct application of competition law (ie Article 102 TFEU) to the public buyer has been excluded by the case law of the Court of Justice, except in rather rare situations where the public buyer is engaged in downstream market activities (FENIN). However, a principle of competition has been explicitly enshrined in EU public procurement law to prevent public buyers from ‘artificially narrowing competition’, in particular where ‘the design of the procurement is made with the intention of unduly favouring or disadvantaging certain economic operators’. This is a promising tool to prevent publicly-generated restrictions of competition in public procurement settings, although its interpretation generates some difficulties and its application is yet to be tested in the EU Courts.

Case References

Case C-205/03 P FENIN v Commission, EU:C:2006:453.

Case C-470/13 Generali-Providencia Biztosító, EU:C:2014:2469.

Case C-124/17 Vossloh Laeis, EU:C:2018:855.

EFTA Court, Judgment in Case E-3/16, Ski Taxi SA, Follo Taxi SA og Ski Follo Taxidrift AS v Staten v/Konkurransetilsynet, 22 December2016.

Danish Supreme Court, Judgment in the Road Markings case, 27 November 2019. The case is not available in English, but a comprehensive discussion by Heidi Sander Løjmand can be found at https://www.howtocrackanut.com/blog/2019/11/28/the-danish-supreme-courts-ruling-in-the-road-marking-case-the-end-of-a-joint-bidding-era-guest-post-by-heidi-sander-ljmand-msc [accessed 22 Jan 2021].

Bibliography

Robert Anderson, William Kovacic and Anna Caroline Müller, Promoting Competition and Deterring Corruption in Public Procurement Markets: Synergies with Trade Liberalisation (2016) http://e15initiative.org/publications/promoting-competition-and-deterring-corruption-in-public-procurement-markets-synergies-with-trade-liberalisation/ [accessed 22 Jan 2021].

Alison Jones, ‘Spotlight on Cartels: Bid Rigging Affecting Public Procurement’ (Concurrentialiste, 16 Nov 2020) https://leconcurrentialiste.com/jones-bid-rigging/ [accessed 22 Jan 2021].

Katarzyna Kuźma and Wojciech Hartung, Combating Collusion in Public Procurement. Legal Limitations on Joint Bidding (Edward Elgar 2020).

Albert Sanchez-Graells, Public Procurement and the EU Competition Rules (2nd edn, Hart 2015), Chapter 5.

Albert Sanchez-Graells, ‘“Screening for Cartels” in Public Procurement: Cheating at Solitaire to Sell Fool’s Gold?’ (2019) 10(4) Journal of European Competition Law & Practice 199-211.

Response to Consultation on the Green Paper 'Transforming Public Procurement'

I have submitted a response to the public consultation on the Green Paper ‘Transforming Public Procurement’. The executive summary is below, and the full submission is accessible (via dropbox). The submission raises a number of issues that are likely to be debatable, so I look forward to engaging in further discussions. As always, feedback most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

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An early winter present? The UK's 'Transforming public procurement' green paper

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The UK Government has published today its green paper on ‘Transforming public procurement’. This is a much awaited publication that will be subjected to public consultation until 10 March 2021. Contributions are encouraged, as this is perhaps a one in a generation opportunity to influence procurement rules. In this blog post, I just aim to provide a hot take on the green paper.

The green paper presents a vision for post-Brexit reform of the UK procurement ‘rule-book’ (for there should be a new, consolidated one), that partially aligns with the proposals of Prof Arrowsmith (see here and here)—and, in fact, Prof Arrowsmith has already published a comparison between her proposals and the green paper (here).

I have just had a read through the green paper and there will be plenty to comment in a submission to the public consultation (stay tuned towards the end of the consultation period). For now, I just have a few observations or rather, general thoughts, that I will need to mull over.

In very many respects, the green paper is is an indictment of the copy-out approach to the transposition of the EU rules in the UK (on which see here). For example, many of the reform proposals are compatible with the current EU rules and relate to areas where the UK decided not to transpose discretionary mechanisms (eg around subcontractor pay). Similarly, most of the proposals on remedies and enforcement mechanisms would be compatible with the current remedies rules. Other proposals seek to create some flexibility beyond the existing EU constraints although, to be fair, most of those are subjected to exceptional circumstances to be regulated by ‘clear regulatory frameworks’ yet to be defined, and which workability raises a few questions.

Other reform proposals concern the (past) unwillingness to impose more demanding standards (eg on publication of transparency) than those mandated by the Directives on grounds of avoiding gold-plating, which now seems to be gone—or the unwillingness or inability to impose obligations to which the UK Government had committed (eg in terms of OCDS or, again, concerning the publication of information). In that regard, the vision behind the green paper seems to be willing to create a much more developed (or far-reaching) regulatory architecture for procurement, which would be welcome.

However, this is directly in tension with another of the driving forces underpinning the green paper’s vision: deregulation and the will to create spaces for the exercise of ‘commercial judgement’ at contracting authority level. This creates a dual tension. On the one hand, the more sophisticated architecture would rely on bare bones procedural rules and would ultimately impose high transaction costs on both contracting authorities and tenderers (which the green paper acknowledges, but dismisses as ‘bedding in problems’). This could be a high-powered incentive to rely on centralised procurement organised by central purchasing bodies, although there is no clarity on the strategic approach to this in the green paper. On the other hand, relatedly, it should be noted that (if read between the lines?) the green paper is also an indictment on the current status of the commercial capacity of (most of the) UK’s public sector, as there are constant calls for more training, upskilling and quality control in the functioning of the procurement function.

This creates a chicken and egg problem on the suitability of the deregulatory approach to reforming the rules to create more commercial space. Most of the proposals are advanced on the (implicit empirical) basis that the flexibility of the existing framework is insufficient (or, rather, insufficiently exploited). This should raise a few questions on whether seriously committing to increase commercial capability and training investment would not suffice. Additionally, if we are starting at a low level of commercial capability, it would seem that creating a more deregulated framework will require even higher (ie beyond catch-up) investment in commercial upskilling. Whether the two moves should take place at the same time should be thought-trough (not least because it will be difficult to train anyone on a new system, on which there will be limited, if any, amount of reliable trainers).

In quite a few other respects, the green paper seems premised on the existence of large regulatory divergences between the GPA and the EU regime (on which see here). While this is the case in some areas, such as remedies, in most other areas the space between both regulatory baselines is narrower than the green paper would suggest, and the scope for reform is limited. This is most evident in the relabelling of procedures or award criteria, which effectively seem to seek to mask the narrowness of the regulatory space (if you cannot really change something, at least call it something different).

I am also surprised at the apparent EU-obsession underlying the green paper, which is also largely a criticism of the current EU rules (as directly copied into UK law, see above), and the complete lack of reference to useful tools for the design of a procurement system, such as the UNCITRAL Model Law and its guide to enactment. It may not have been a bad idea to seek to rely on that sort of guidelines to a larger extent, at least if the new regime is to draw on tested solutions. However, much of the green paper seems to want to achieve an ‘EU+’ level of procurement regulation (notoriously, in the regulation of a new so-called DPS+ commercial vehicle) or, perhaps, to create the next ‘world leading’ system of procurement (which would not be totally disaligned with other approaches of the current UK Government). Whether this will be a successful strategy remains to be seen.

Finally, there are a few strange elements in the green paper, which may be the result of current times (such as the extensive focus on the creation of new rules for crisis procurement), or a reflection of the particular interests of some of the actors involved in driving the reform forward (such as the explicit recognition of the possibility to charge suppliers fees for their participation in commercial vehicles, such as the proposed new DPS+, which seems to be of strategic importance to central purchasing bodies).

All in all, there is plenty to reflect upon. So this may be a good note on which to close the ‘procurement year’. I hope all readers will have a good winter break and to see you back here after the (long) hiatus, as I disappear into the horizon on my period of shared parental leave. All the best!

Combating collusion in procurement: webinar recording and slides

It was a pleasure to host today the book launch of Katarzyna Kuźma and Dr Wojciech Hartung's Combating Collusion in Public Procurement. Legal Limitations on Joint Bidding (Edward Elgar, 2020). The authors were joined by Dr hab. Piotr Bogdanowicz and Jesper Fabricius, as well as yours truly, to discuss recent developments in the treatment of joint bidding under Article 57 of Directive 2014/24/EU, as well as the outstanding legal uncertainty on the interpretation and application of this provision, which Katarzyna and Wojciech have analysed in detail in their book. The slides used for the presentation are available (via dropbox) and a recording of the session (minus Q&A) is also available via the image below (or this link).

The authors would be happy to receive feedback or more general questions about the book and its subject-matter. They can be contacted at katarzyna.kuzma@dzp.pl and wojciech.hartung@dzp.pl.

Open Contracting: Where is the UK and What to Expect?

I had the pleasure of delivering a webinar on ‘Open Contracting Data: Where Are We & What Could We Expect?‘ for the Gloucester branch of the Chartered Institute of Procurement & Supply. The webinar assessed the current state of development and implementation of open contracting data initiatives in the UK. It also considered the main principles and goals of open contracting, as well as its practical implementation, and the specific challenges posed by the disclosure of business sensitive information. The webinar also mapped potential future developments and, more generally, reflected on the relevance of an adequate procurement data infrastructure for the deployment of digital technologies and, in particular, AI. The slides are available (via dropbox) and the recording is also accessible through the image below (as well as via dropbox).

As always, feedback most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

PS. For some an update on recent EBRD/EU sponsored open contracting initiatives in Greece and Poland, see here.

Healthcare procurement: a service of general economic interest?

With thanks to Dr Mary Guy (Lancaster University) for the invitation to speak at her innovative ‘Health in Europe - Virtual Discussion Forum’, below is the recording of my presentation on the treatment of healthcare procurement as a service of general economic interest. The slides are also available.

The presentation explores the case study of the English NHS Supply Chain (for a detailed account of how it works, please see here). However, broader issues of potential relevance in EU jurisdictions considering ways of reforming (and centralising) healthcare procurement are also explored.

This is work in progress for me, so comments most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

As a side note, it is worth stressing that NHS Supply Chain is currently under fire due to its failure to react properly to the PPE challenges derived from the COVID-19 crisis after a scathing National Audit Office report (on which you can watch some comments here).

Collusion in procurement book launch, 10 Dec 2020

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Dear How to Crack a Nut friends,

You are kindly invited to the book launch of Katarzyna Kuźma and Dr Wojciech Hartung's Combating Collusion in Public Procurement. Legal Limitations on Joint Bidding (Edward Elgar, 2020). It will take place online on 10 December 2020 at 11.30 UK time via Zoom. The authors will be joined by Dr hab. Piotr Bogdanowicz and Jesper Fabricius, as well as yours truly, to discuss recent developments in the treatment of joint bidding under Article 57 of Directive 2014/24/EU, as well as the outstanding legal uncertainty on the interpretation and application of this provision, which Katarzyna and Wojciech have analysed in detail in their book.

More details and free registration here: https://www.eventbrite.co.uk/e/combating-collusion-in-public-procurement-book-launch-and-discussion-tickets-130271675087.

All the best, Albert

Two new working papers on procurement & COVID-19

I have uploaded two new, short working papers on procurement and COVID-19 on SSRN. Comments most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

  1. Procurement and Commissioning during COVID-19: Reflections and (Early) Lessons (October 8, 2020). Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly, forthcoming. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3709746.
    Abstract: This piece reflects on some common themes that are starting to emerge in the early analysis of the healthcare procurement and commissioning response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Although it largely results from the observation of the situation in the English NHS, the most salient issues are common to procurement in other EU healthcare systems, as well as more broadly across areas of the public sector that have strongly relied on the extremely urgent procurement exception in the aftermath of the first wave of the pandemic. Given the disfunction and abuse of ‘unregulated procurement’ in the context of COVID-19, the piece reflects on the longer term need for suitable procurement rules to face impending challenges, such as Brexit and, more importantly, climate change.

  2. COVID-19 PPE Extremely Urgent Procurement in England. A Cautionary Tale for an Overheating Public Governance (October 14, 2020). To be published in D Cowan and Ann Mumford (eds), Pandemic Legalities (Bristol University Press, forthcoming). Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3711526.
    Abstract: In this short paper, I reflect on the case study of the procurement of personal protective equipment (PPE) for the English NHS during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. I put forward two main claims. My first claim is that the UK Government not only was particularly ill-positioned to deal with the pandemic as a result of years of austerity and the institutional unsettling resulting from the continuous reform of the NHS, its internal market and its supply chain—but also due to the imminence of Brexit and its political ramifications. My second contribution is that, in its desperate reaction to the PPE fiasco, the UK Government misused and abused the disapplication of the standard procurement rules on the basis of the ‘extremely urgent need’ exemption. This resulted in the opaque award of large numbers of high value contracts to companies that would not survive basic screening under normal conditions. Overall, my goal is to lay bare the more general problems in the UK Government’s approach to the governance of public procurement and its increasing insularity as a result of Brexit, with the hope that this will show a path for change that could avert even more significant fiascos in the face of the massive challenges that climate change will bring.

I just got off social media. Perhaps you should too

After writing this blog post, I would usually have twitted it, put it on some facebook groups, and on linkedin. This will no longer be the case (except for the blog twitter account), as I have decided to go off social media. I have deleted my twitter account, deactivated my facebook account and will no longer check my linkedin.

I have taken this decision after watching and digesting ‘The Social Dilemma’, although I had been ruminating on it since I watched ‘The Great Hack’. If you watch them, in under 4 hours, you will get a much better explanation for the reasons behind this decision than I could ever articulate. And perhaps you will decide that you, too, should go off social media — or at least change your usage of and relationship with this technology.

I am hoping that this decision will not only make my personal life better, but also my research (though this may perhaps seem bizarre for someone that is precisely researching digital technologies’ use for public governance) and, perhaps, make a small contribution to the sea change required for social media to become a force for good. Of course, I also have a few worries about whether this will muffle my voice, but I hope that there will be other ways of making myself heard where it counts (and, to be honest, I do not think all my shouting into the twitter abyss ever had any effect, so probably not much is lost at all). Whatever happens, at least, I have already felt some relief from knowing I am no longer feeding the data mining while it is an evil force.

Anyone interested in staying touch can still do so through this blog, and I can always be reached at a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk. I look forward to staying in touch.

Regulatory trends in public procurement from a competition lens -- 3 short, provocative presentations

I was asked to record three short (and provocative) presentations on some procurement regulatory trends seen from a competition lens. I thought this could be of some interest, so I am sharing them here. The three presentations and the three sets of slides should be available through the links below. Please email me (a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk) in case of any technical difficulty accessing them, or with any feedback. I hope to start some discussion through the comments section, so please feel free to participate!

1. Transparent procurement: some reflections on its inherent tensions

This short presentation reflects on the tensions between transparency and competition in procurement, with a particular focus on the heightened risks posed by the 'open contracting' movement. It advocates a more nuanced approach to the regulation of procurement transparency in the age of big data [slides].

2. Smart, streamlined procurement: too high hopes for procurement?

This presentation discusses some of the implications and risks resulting from recent regulatory trends in public procurement, from a competition perspective. It focuses on procurement centralisation and the use of procurement to deliver horizontal policies as two of the most salient regulatory trends. It stresses the need for more effective oversight of these more complex forms of procurement [slides].

3. Effective procurement oversight: what to look for & who should do it?

This presentation addresses some of the challenges in creating an effective procurement oversight system. It concentrates on the availability of high quality data, its access by relevant institutions and stakeholders, and the need for a joined up and collaborative approach where multiple entities have oversight powers/duties. It pays particular attention the need for collaboration between contracting authorities and competition authorities [slides].

NHS commissioning and procurement - 2 short lectures and a reading list

I have recorded a series of short lectures on NHS commissioning and procurement for my blended teaching at the University of Bristol Law School this coming academic year. In case they are of any interest, I am sharing two of them here.

The first one covers the organisation and regulation of NHS commissioning and procurement and primarily concentrates on the commissioning of health care services. The second lecture covers the centralisation of ‘hospital procurement’ through the NHS Supply Chain. They should be accessible through the click-through images at the end of the blog post.

The two short lectures aim to provide a (hopefully) accessible introduction to the issues covered in more detail in the accompanying reading list, which mainly comprises the following papers for each of the topics:

1. Organisation and regulation of NHS internal market, with a focus on commissioning and procurement

  • A Maynard and M Dixon, ‘Should the NHS abolish the purchaser-provider split?’, BMJ 2016;354:i3825, available at https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.i3825.

  • C Paton, ‘Garbage-Can Policy-Making Meets Neo-Liberal Ideology: Twenty-five years of redundant reform of the English National Health Service’ (2014) 48(3) Social Policy & Administration 319-342.

  • L Jones, M Exworthy and F Frosini, ‘Implementing Market-based Reforms in the English NHS: Bureaucratic coping strategies and social embeddedness’ (2013) 111(1) Health Policy 52-59.

  • B Collins, ‘Procurement and Competition Rules. Can the NHS be exempted?’ (2015) King’s Fund briefing, available at https://www.kingsfund.org.uk/publications/nhs-procurement-competition-rules.

  • M Guy, ‘Between “Going Private” and “NHS Privatisation”: Patient choice, competition reforms and the relationship between the NHS and private healthcare in England’ (2019) 39(3) Legal Studies 479-498.

  • P Allen et al, ‘Public Contracts as Accountability Mechanisms: Assuring quality in public health care in England and Wales’ (2016) 18(1) Public Management Review 20-39.

  • D Osipovič et al, ‘Interrogating Institutional Change: Actors' Attitudes to Competition and Cooperation in Commissioning Health Services in England’ (2016) 94(3) Public Administration 823-838.

  • P Allen et al, ‘Commissioning through Competition and Cooperation in the English NHS under the Health and Social Care Act 2012: Evidence from a qualitative study of four clinical commissioning groups’, BMJ Open 2017;7:e011745, available at http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2016-011745.

  • M Sanderson, P Allen and D Osipovič, ‘The Regulation of Competition in the National Health Service (NHS): what difference has the Health and Social Care Act 2012 made?’ (2017) 12(1) Health Economics, Policy and Law 1-19.

  • D Osipovič et al, ‘The Regulation of Competition and Procurement in the National Health Service 2015–2018: Enduring hierarchical control and the limits of juridification’ (2020) 15(3) Health Economics, Policy and Law 308-324.

2. Centralisation of NHS procurement

Feedback and suggestions on additional readings most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

Pausing the blog until summer of 2021

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Dear How to Crack a a Nut  readers and friends,

I hope you and your loved ones are keeping well and slowly starting to see a path towards a ‘new normal’.

Whether you are in practice, policy-making or academia, I am sure this period is throwing unimaginable challenges at you on a daily basis. It certainly feels like that on this side of the screen. I am sure there will be plenty learning to be had once the dust settles, both on what went wrong and what actually worked out during the pandemic and immediately after—for procurement is certainly lined up to be a key area of economic intervention in the near future.

In academia, the current uncertainty and the challenge of developing a new high-quality online or blended and flexible teaching model will probably absorb most of our energies for quite a while. This will bring opportunities, but also risks burning quite a few of us out if we are not careful. In particular if/while working from home under less than ideal circumstances, including increased caring responsibilities eg due to childcare or home schooling. If you find yourselves in that position, please be kind to yourselves, whatever the institutional pressures and expectations. We can only do our best, but not more than that…

All of this would be enough for me to need to take a break from non-essential work at the best of times. In fact, given very increased teaching and administration demands on my time, I have already had to scale down to bare minimum all my research and, thankfully, been given pretty long extensions on my current two book contracts (massive thanks to Oxford University Press and Bristol University Press).

But, in addition to everything else, we are expecting a second baby in a few weeks—which is both exciting and terrifying in the current context—and will certainly make the months ahead particularly amazing and challenging. Once again, I need to dedicate additional time to my personal life to enjoy this exciting period, and to try to make the transition into having a sibling as smooth as possible for my oldest one (I know… please send any tips).

I will be on paternity leave for a few weeks this summer, and then for the first half of 2021. I do not think I will have the headspace to blog until after going back to work next summer (whether that will be in an office or still in my living room remains to be seen) and, to be honest, pausing the blog has previously given me some peace of mind, as I do not constantly feel like I should be publishing something to keep ‘my audience’ engaged—which is pretty presumptuous of me, anyway, because you all have better things to do than be wondering when the next HTCaN entry will come live and what will it be about…

So, this is my long way of saying that it is again time for me to pause the blog to concentrate on wrapping up a few things before facing the greatest privilege of starting the parenting adventure all over again. Bottles, nappies, sleepless nights, bring ‘em on!

Luckily, this is not a bad time to be pausing the blog at all as, on top of the consolidated and reliable commentary from Dr Pedro Telles and Professor Chris Yukins (who’s been doing a truly remarkable job with his COVID-19 webinars), there are now two recent additions to the public procurement blog/podcast-sphere. If you have not checked them out yet, do not miss Dr Marta Andhov & Dr Willem Janssen four-hand English version of Willem’s Bestek procurement podcast, and keep an eye on Michael Bowsher QC’s hot off the oven blog. I look forward to continue learning from them during my period of self-imposed suspension and, hopefully, to return to an even more crowded procurement blogging and podcasting scene.

I hope to find you here in 2021. In the meantime, I hope you and yours will stay well, and be happy.

All the best,
Albert
20 May 2020

A note on Reg 73 of the Public Contracts Regulations (and by extension Art 73 of the EU Public Procurement Directive) [Guest post* by Dr Aris Christidis]

In this guest post, Dr Aris Christidis follows up on the issue of termination of contracts where the contracting authority has exceeded the limits of permissible contract modifications under Article 72 of Directive 2014/24/EU, focusing in particular on the shortcomings of Art 73 thereof and its transposition in the UK through reg.73 Public Contracts Regulations 2015.

A note on Regulation 73 of the Public Contracts Regulations (and by extension Article 73 of the EU Public Procurement Directive)

In this earlier post about the alleged unlawfulness of the NHSX contract modification, Albert argued that ‘the cause for termination could not be waived because reg.73 is meant as a safeguard against abuses of reg.72 and, thus, is unavoidably triggered the moment the boundaries of reg.72 are exceeded’.

I want to pick up on this point and provide some thoughts on the scope of Regulation 73 and by extension on Article 73 of the EU Public Procurement Directives.

Let me start by examining the position under the EU Directives. The 2014 directives have included a provision (Art 73 of Dir 2014/24/EU and the equivalent of Art 90 of Dir 2014/25/EU and Art 44 of Dir 2014/23/EU) which requires the Member States to empower their contracting authorities, under their national laws with the option of unilaterally terminating a contract during its term at least under the following three situations:

(a) the contract has been subject to a substantial modification, which would have required a new procurement procedure pursuant to Article 72;

(b) the contractor has, at the time of contract award, been in one of the situations referred to in Article 57(1) and should therefore have been excluded from the procurement procedure;

(c) the contract should not have been awarded to the contractor in view of a serious infringement of the obligations under the Treaties and this Directive that has been declared by the Court of Justice of the European Union in a procedure pursuant to Article 258 TFEU.

While such a remedial measure is in the right direction because it allows contracting authorities to correct their violations after a contract comes into effect, it does not address various issues on how this remedy is supposed to operate. These issues are to be determined solely by national laws.

Also, it is not clear why the only option for contracting authorities is to terminate a contract, instead of providing other remedial alternatives such as the shortening of the duration of the contract—similarly with the ineffectiveness remedy.

Surely, even if contracting authorities are under an obligation to terminate a contract, this should not be automatic. Public interest considerations such as the urgency of executing the contract should be carefully considered before any decision to prematurely discharge such a contract is made.

Finally, the EU legislator does not explain convincingly the rationale behind the reason why in the aforementioned violations the contracting authorities should have the right (rather than the obligation – see next section) to terminate an existing contract and why other violations should not necessarily constitute reasons to terminate an existing contract (e.g. finding of conflict of interest or direct awards).

Does Article 73 impose a positive obligation?

Undoubtedly, Article 73 (c) - unlike the other two– has a mandatory effect. This is because it concerns a violation that has been declared under Article 258 TFEU, which Member States must comply with under Article 260 TFEU.

The purpose of this provision seems to be to ensure that a duty of a Member State to terminate a contract is fulfilled as quickly as possible and avoid any possible cumbersome procedural issues that may be imposed under national law.

An issue that requires some consideration is what amounts to a ‘serious infringement’ that may lead to an obligation to terminate a contract (interestingly, the proposal for the 2014 directive (COM (2011) 896) did not refer to the wording ‘serious infringement’ rather it stated: ‘…a Member State has failed to fulfil its obligation under the Treaties…’).

Following the ruling of the CJEU in Waste (C-503/04), which concerned a decision under Article 258 TFEU, a ‘serious infringement’ will constitute any violation that restricts the fundamental freedoms of the internal market, in that case, the fact that an unlawful direct award had the effect of restricting other economic operators from providing the particular service. 

It is submitted that serious breach may constitute any violation that influences the outcome of competition and that termination of an existing contract seems relevant, inter alia, in the following situations: when a tender should have been excluded because of prior involvement of candidates in the submission of bids, when a conflict of interest is found or when a tender should have been rejected because it did not comply with tender conditions.

What seems to be certain is that a ‘serious infringement’ would most probably be regarded by the CJEU as any violation of the other two explicit reasons for termination as provided in the Article at hand - namely, violations with regards to the modification of contracts (see case C-601/10 Commission v Hellenic Republic available in French and Greek) and the entering to a contract with a provider who should have been disqualified from the awarding process.

This argument, in turn, raises the concern on whether the provisions of Article 73 are facultative or in effect contracting authorities are under an obligation to terminate a contract when the prescribed violations take place. In other words, whether EU law raises a positive obligation for contracting authorities.

On the one hand, the wording of this Article is clear: ‘Member States shall ensure that contracting authorities have the possibility… under the conditions determined by the applicable national law, to terminate a public contract during its term…’ (emphasis added).

On the other hand, this wording does not align with the rationale behind the adoption of this measure. According to Recital 112, ‘contracting authorities are sometimes faced with circumstances that require the early termination of public contracts in order to comply with obligations under EU law in the field of public procurement’ (emphasis added).

I lean towards the more formalistic interpretation, that is, there is no positive obligation. In my view, the Directive is not sufficiently clear on this and, as discussed below, the UK has not made termination a requirement but rather an option for the contracting authorities.

The implementation in the UK

Regulation 73 of the Public Contract Regulations 2015 (PCR) has transposed the EU law requirement of empowering contracting authorities to terminate an existing contract. Regulation 73 did not opt to include other violations that could give the right to a contracting authority to terminate an existing contract.

Two things should be noted about this unilateral power. The first is that Regulation 73(1) makes it clear that it is up to the discretion of a contracting authority to terminate a contract or not. It specifically states that ‘…contracting authorities shall ensure that every public contract which they award contains provisions enabling the contracting authority to terminate the contract where…’ (emphasis added; see for example the Model Contract for Services by the Government Legal Department at clause 33). Therefore, contracting authorities can simply refrain from exercising such power even if the relevant violations have taken place.

The second is that Regulation 73(3) clarifies that when provisions for termination are not provided within the terms of the contract, such power shall be an implied term of the contract. In other words, Regulation 73 overrides the absence of express contractual terms by providing a statutory basis for such unilateral power to be exercised.

In my view, Regulation 73 has little practical effect. In principle, it is a very good idea to empower contracting authorities to unilaterally terminate a contract. They are, indeed, in the best position to correct any unlawful acts especially when these are unintentional. Also, the disposal of such power minimises the possibility of litigation by third parties and ensures that any violations are remedied with minimum costs and in the public interest.

However, the way Article 73 was implemented in the UK shows the problematic design of this measure. There is nothing to compel contracting authorities to terminate an existing contract even if, on the face of it, they have violated the relevant rules. To require compliance, you need some form of external enforcement or recommendation. Otherwise, who is to determine whether the prescribed rules have been violated or not and who may induce a contracting authority to terminate a contract?

The only way for the government to be compelled to terminate a contract which is the result of unlawful modification or other serious infringement is if the Commission brought a case before the CJEU under Article 258 TFEU. In the current, COVID-19, and Brexit environment, I very much doubt that this will happen.

What if the government decides to terminate a contract under Regulation 73?

A final issue that perhaps requires some attention, is how are consequential matters between parties treated where the government decides to terminate the contract based on Regulation 73.

The first point to note is that Article 73 Directive 2014/24/EU does not give any indication as to how such consequential matters are to be regulated by the Member States and this is another problematic aspect of the design of this provision at the EU level.

Indeed, if the purpose of this remedial measure is to correct violations by returning a contract to the status quo ante then surely any compensation to the contractor due to early termination should be reasonable and proportionate.

Therefore, any form of redress must in principle be based on restitution, that is, a contractor must not be able to recover anything further that the value of what has been performed and has benefited the contracting authority.

The Commission had indicated that this is a requirement for the ineffectiveness remedy. In particular, Recital 21 of the Remedies Directive states that the objective to be achieved where the Member States lay down the rules which ensure ‘that the rights and obligations of the parties under the contract should cease to be enforced and performed’.

It goes on to say that ‘the consequences concerning the possible recovery of any sums which may have been paid, as well as all other forms of possible restitution, including restitution in value where restitution in kind is not possible, are to be determined by national law’. Similar careful thinking and considerations were not given for Article 73.

In the content of the PCR, Regulation 73(2) provides that consequential matters in case of termination should be regulated by express contractual provisions. Hence, the provisions of a contract itself will stipulate how these matters are to be regulated between parties and not some contract or administrative law principle.

The Model Contract for Services by the Government Legal Department provides some signs as to how the government will treat consequential matters in case of termination pursuant to Regulation 73. For instance, clause 34.5 (b) provides that in case of termination due to a substantial modification any costs from this termination should lie where they fall. This seems to be an appropriate form of compensation.

Some final thoughts

The current crisis has triggered a conversation about the design of the procurement rules all over the world. Perhaps this is also a good time both for the EU and the UK to think harder as to the scope of the exercise of unilateral termination powers by contracting authorities.

This is an excellent remedial tool. It is less costly and more time-efficient than any other form of enforcement when a contract has been concluded unlawfully. However, various issues need to be considered carefully. The following are some suggestions:

  1. Careful consideration of the type of violations that should give rise to termination. Legislators could consider the gravity of the violation and perhaps make a distinction between violations that require termination and violations for which a contracting authority can exercise discretion as to whether to terminate or not.

  2. An independent body with powers to compel contracting authorities to terminate or at least make suggestions to consider termination. In the UK, for instance, such power may be exercised by the Public Procurement Review Service which current remit does not allow the exercise such powers.

  3. Clear indication as to how consequential matters are treated. As argued above, any compensation in case of unilateral termination due to violation of procurement rules should be based on restitution to align with the purpose of this remedy, which is to restore the public contract market in the status quo ante.

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Dr Aris Christidis

Dr Aris Christidis is a Lecturer in Law at Newcastle Law School, which he joined in January 2018. He previously taught at the University of Nottingham, where he completed his PhD in December of 2018 (without corrections). He currently teaches Introduction to Business Law and Contract Law. Aris’ current research lies in public procurement law and the interaction of public with private law in the context of public contracts. His research interests are in comparative law, the law of obligations, public procurement law and in the economic analysis of law.

Guest blogging at HTCAN: If you would like to contribute a blog post for How to Crack a Nut, please feel free to get in touch at a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk. Your proposals and contributions will be most warmly welcomed!

1 billion problems in using extremely urgent public procurement to evade accountability?

© Guardian design team

© Guardian design team

The Guardian has reported that the UK ‘state bodies have awarded at least 177 contracts worth £1.1bn to commercial firms in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. Of those, 115 contracts – with a total value of just over £1bn – were awarded under the fast-track rules bypassing competitive tenders. They include two contracts worth more than £200m, both awarded by Whitehall departments.’

This has raised concerns, such as those voiced by a spokesperson for Transparency International UK, who said ‘“The alarming number of contracts seemingly awarded without any competition risks setting a dangerous precedent which may harm the public interest and reduce confidence,” he said. “When lucrative deals are awarded with no competitive tender and away from public scrutiny, taxpayer money could easily be wasted on overpriced equipment or substandard services.”

There are two aspects of these concerns. One seems to be the possibility of this ‘deregulated’ procurement constituting a precedent and, implicitly, creating scope for more deregulated procurement once the pandemic is over; while the other aspect relates to the transparency (not) being given to the directly awarded contracts. In my view, while the first aspect is largely unwarranted, the second deserves some serious thought and closer scrutiny. Beyond that, I think the piece highlights a more fundamental issue related to the UK Government’s excessive reliance on consultancy firms to make up for the depleted capacity of its civil service after years of austerity, which is a much more worrying long-term trend. I touch upon these three issues in turn below.

‘Extremely urgent’ procurement as a precedent or a wedge towards more deregulated procurement post-pandemic?

It is clear that the deactivation of public procurement rules to free up public buyers to fulfil the extremely urgent needs arising from the pandemic sits uncomfortably with the standard system of checks and balances usually in place to ensure probity and value for money in the expenditure of public funds. However, the negative governance impacts of deregulated direct procurement are a collateral effect of the need to ensure that the procurement function meets its most basic goal: to make sure the public sector has the material means to discharge its duties in the public interest. It would be unacceptable for procurement rules to get in the way of, in this case, the purchasing of life-saving kit and equipment, as the scale of values implicit in our democratic societies surely ranks higher protecting lives than ensuring probity (where these are incompatible, at least temporarily).

It is also worth stressing that the deactivation of most procurement rules in the face of extreme urgency is not a ‘blank cheque’. This is for clear reasons, embedded in the scape clause of reg.32(2)(c) of the Public Contracts Regulations 2015 (and Art 32(2)(c) of Dir 2014/24/EU, which it transposes). First and foremost, this exemption from standard rules is clearly exceptional and needs to be narrowly construed. It can also only cover procurement that is directly linked to the extremely urgent need, and the scope of the directly awarded contract needs to be proportionate to that need (for very clear interpretive guidance, see the Commission’s COVID-19 procurement notice discussed here).

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There is very limited available public information but, on the basis of The Guardian’s piece, at first sight, there does not seem to be a reason for concern regarding the object of the contracts directly awarded (see side graph), as all of them concern what can legitimately be claimed to constitute extremely urgent supplies to tackle the immediate aftermath of the pandemic and the ensuing lockdown. There is thus no indication that the exemption is used beyond its proper scope—though, of course, an analysis of proportionality would require more information.

There can be more questions on the value of the contracts, given that some of them have rather large total values. However, this should be put into perspective by recognising that, for example the contracts for children meals, food boxes or test materials and test services are bound to include millions of units, which will then yield much smaller prices that can reasonably be expected to be roughly at market prices (bearing also in mind the current distortions to the markets’ ability to effectively act as price setting mechanisms).

Take the example of the children’s meals vouchers, on which the piece says: ‘The largest contract, worth up to £234m, was handed by the Department for Education to a French-owned firm, Edenred, to feed more than a million pupils eligible for free school meals. Edenred has since been accused of “woeful” preparation which caused children to go hungry and humiliated parents.’

The additional linked article provides more details: ‘The contract runs for up to three months, indicating that the Department for Education expected the firm – which has fewer than 150 staff – to distribute the £15-a-week vouchers to the 1.3 million children in England eligible for free school meals.’ It is remarkable that 12 weeks’ worth of £15 vouchers for 1.3 million children amounts exactly to £234 million. This raises additional questions on how does the provider obtain its commercial margin and whether children will be receiving vouchers worth even less than the £15/week—which is an incredibly low value of economic support, certainly not in keeping with the general wealth of the UK.

Of course, much more pricing and commercial margin analysis will be required once more information is available — and this should be undertaken by the National Audit Office at the first possible opportunity — but whether these are lucrative deals remains to be seen and, at any rate, the availability of the extreme urgency procurement exemption will not last long.

A related, but separate issue concerns the effective capability and the level of readiness of the companies directly awarded contracts. Here, the reports of the initial problems encountered by Edenred (website collapse, long waits for the delivery of the vouchers and rejection at the supermarket till) are reminiscent of the issues faced in other contracts, such as Deloitte’s strongly criticised role in the coordination of PPE purchases. Differently from the inability of some of the awardees of contracts for ventilators to deliver, which in my view determined the illegality of the direct awards, the limited capability and lack of readiness of the awardees of some of these other contracts may not be an illegality ground, but is still a very worrying dimension, not only of COVID-19 related procurement. I will come back to that in the final part of this blog.

Breach of the transparency requirements associated to extremely urgent procurement

From a public governance perspective, in my opinion, the way in which the UK Government is failing to meet the transparency requirements associated to extremely urgent procurement is much more worrying than the issue of the total value of the contracts, despite the eye watering headline figure of more than £1 billion.

Despite the fact that some information on these contracts must be publicly available—as ‘The Guardian’s research was based on public databases in the UK and the EU, and aided by information gathered by the research organisation Tussell, which said it had noticed a surge in work awarded without competition in recent weeks’—there are serious concerns about the level of transparency given to these contracts and, more importantly, whether it will be possible to engage in meaningful ex post oversight and effective accountability by looking at the documentation supporting the decisions to award these contracts.

Indeed, The Guardian raises that ‘[t]he contracts reviewed … may only constitute a portion of those awarded without a competitive tender for Covid-19 work. The government is declining to release a full list, despite guidelines which state any contract awarded using emergency powers should be published within 30 days.’

On that point, the piece refers to the Cabinet Office Public Procurement Notice 01/20 (on which see here), which is very clear that contracting authorities ‘should ensure [they] keep proper records of decisions and actions on individual contracts, as this could mitigate against the risk of a successful legal challenge. If [they] make a direct award, [they] should publish a contract award notice (regulation 50) within 30 days of awarding the contract.

This not only applies where ‘new’ direct contracts are awarded, but also where existing contracts are modified to add new services (or supplies) within their scope. This was also explicitly covered in PPN 1/20, which stressed that ‘[c]ontracting authorities should keep a written justification …, including limiting any extension or other modification to what is absolutely necessary to address the unforeseeable circumstance. This justification should demonstrate that [their] decision to extend or modify the particular contract(s) was related to the COVID-19 outbreak with reference to specific facts, eg [their] staff are diverted by procuring urgent requirements to deal with COVID-19 consequences, or [their] staff are off sick so they cannot complete a new procurement exercise. [They] should publish the modification by way of an OJEU notice to say [they] have relied on regulation 72(1)(c).’ The added difficulty here is that there is no set deadline for the publication of this type of notice. However, there are good reasons to require timely publication and it also seems reasonable to expect compliance with a similar timeframe to the 30 days required for new contracts.

The UK Government and all relevant departments are generally and systemically failing to meet these requirements. This is rather clearly the case of, for example, NHSX’s contract modification/s in relation to the UK COVID-19 dashboard (see here), as no contract modification notice has been published in the Tenders Electronic Daily (TED), to the best of my knowledge, at the time of writing. More generally, The Guardian’s piece reports that a spokesperson for the department of health said that 'publication of contract information is being carried out as quickly as possible in line with government transparency guidelines’ (emphasis added).

Despite the seemingly lenient language in PPN 1/20, the fact that these notices are not being published in a timely manner—and within 30 days from award for new contracts—is a breach of the applicable procurement rules and creates legal risks for the UK Government (though, in practical terms, they are likely to be seen as small because the standing and time limits to challenge, and the available remedies are restricted—on which see a forthcoming post in this blog).

In my view, this constitutes a major infringement by the UK Government and the relevant departments by failing to meet the extremely minimum requirements that procurement law imposes in the context of an extremely urgent situation. This is not only worrying in itself, but also as an indication that there may be a risk that the relevant information is not only not being published, but also not being properly documented and subjected to adequate record-keeping.

Just to be clear, there is no discretionality involved in the decision whether to publish the contract award/modification notice and most of its content is also predetermined, although there are complex clauses aimed at protecting commercially sensitive and other confidential information that could be at play. Remarkably, for ‘new’ contracts awarded under the extreme urgency procurement exemption, reg.50 PCR2015 (and Art 50 Dir 2014/24/EU, in relation to Annex V, part D thereof) requires that the contract award notice ‘in the case of negotiated procedure without prior publication, [includes its] justification.’

Relatedly, reg.84 PCR2015 (and Art 84 Dir 2014/24/EU) establishes the obligation to write up and keep an individual procurement report for each direct award, including in particular ‘for negotiated procedures without prior publication, the circumstances referred to in regulation 32 which justify the use of this procedure’ (84(1)(f)), as well as ‘the name of the successful tenderer and the reasons why its tender was selected’ (84(1)(d)) and, not least important, ‘where applicable, conflicts of interests detected and subsequent measures taken’ (84(1)(i)).

These reports, and the associated notices (which will raise public awareness of their existence) will (or, perhaps, ought to) be the basis for effective ex post oversight and effective accountability of the UK Government and its departments. If the current lack of transparency by means of the relevant notices is an indication of a lack of proper documentation and record-keeping, these would be very bad news for any prospects of a meaningful post-crisis public inquiry into the management of these extraordinary amounts of public funds spent through unregulated procurement. And, in my opinion, should lead to an investigation of the reasons for any such lack of documentation under public law (and perhaps, even criminal law) rules, which discussion exceeds this post.

Excessive reliance on consultancy firms, not only under extreme urgency

The final point worth considering is a more fundamental issue related to the UK Government’s excessive reliance on consultancy firms to make up for the depleted capacity of its civil service after years of austerity, which is a much more worrying long-term trend.

The information on the Government’s reaction to COVID-19 that is slowly emerging is starting to paint a picture of rather extreme outsourcing of strategic and fundamental coordination and operational tasks to consultancy firms. There can be several reasons for that but, in my view and on the basis of the longer term trends I have been observing in UK outsourcing practice, there are two that are probably quite determinative of this approach.

First, the UK public sector, including but not only its civil service, has been constantly eroded and reduced to bare bones capacity, which makes it impossible for it to effectively take over such large tasks at short or no notice. This requires the Government to ‘buy capacity’ where available and almost regardless of the true suitability (ie expertise) or level of readiness of that capability, as *some* capability may be better than none. Moreover, the Government is probably buying capacity without even being able to clearly specify what needs to be done, which would put the relevant services contracts on a ‘best effort’ basis, as the engaged consultant would need to both design and implement the necessary solution. In that context, whether the consultant had or not the relevant expertise and capability can be very difficult to assess, not least because most of the outsourced tasks will be unique and not have a clear precedent against which to benchmark the required expertise and experience. In that context, size matters. As also probably does a successful consultant’s ability to package ill-defined goals into politically-digestible soundbites.

Second, and linked to the above, there seems to be very limited ability (or willingness) on the Government’s commercial function to scrutinise and challenge the promises made by outsourcing firms. The problems in the implementation of the outsourced contracts can in part derive from the complexity of the task and the inexistence of previous preparations—which, in fairness, should have been undertaken by the Government (or its pre-appointed contractors), not by those called upon to plug the hole)—but they are also likely to result from the fact that the consultancy firms did not have the necessary expertise or organisation in place and are likely just developing it as they engage in the provision of the services (or, more plainly, winging it). The extent to which this can lead to a satisfactory outcome in the medium to long-term is debatable, as well as who should shoulder the consultants’ learning costs. However, in cases of acute and extremely urgent needs, this is hardly conducive not only to value for money but, more generally, to an acceptable level of stewardship of the public interest.

The lack of sufficient capacity to directly take on strategic coordination and operational tasks, compounded by the limited capacity to scrutinise the promises made by consultancy companies, is a recipe for disaster. And this is a long-term trend that is particularly difficult to revert, as it generates a self-fulfilling prophecy. I do not hold high hopes for change, as previous recent crises (eg Carillion’s demise) have not really led to significant, meaningful change. However, this is something that will require further research and debate post-crisis. Having a proper and comprehensive public inquiry into all this would be an adequate starting point.

Challenges and Opportunities for UK Procurement During and After the Pandemic

On 30 April, I delivered a webinar on “Challenges and Opportunities for UK Procurement During and After the Pandemic” for the LUPC/SUPC Annual Conference. The slides are available via SlideShare and the recording is available via YouTube (below). Feedback most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

LUPC/SUPC Conference 2020 30th April - Webinar 1 Challenges and Opportunities for UK Procurement During and After the COVID-19 Crisis Led by: Professor Alber...

Keeping an eye on Brexit while assessing 'COVID-19 pandemic and international trade' -- written evidence

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The UK House of Commons’ International Trade Committee has an open inquiry into ‘The COVID-19 pandemic and international trade’, to which I submitted written evidence (available in HMTL and in PDF). In short, the document stresses that the extremely likely negative impact of the COVID-19 pandemic for UK businesses trading internationally and for the parts of the UK’s public sector that rely on trading with international suppliers and contractors in the medium- and long-term can only be compounded by the uncertainty surrounding the on-going negotiations of a future UK-EU trade relationship. The single most effective intervention at this stage would be for the Department for International Trade to lead on the negotiations with the EU for a two-year extension of the transition period in conformity with Article 132 of the Agreement on the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community.

The executive summary of my submission is as follows:

  1. Publicly available UK economic forecasts and surveys are clearly indicating both a very sharp negative economic impact of the COVID-19 crisis during 2020 and longer-term unemployment challenges, as well as a very substantial decline in trade between the UK and third countries.

  2. Most medium- and long-term impacts will be dependent on the severity of the economic crisis to follow the pandemic, both in the UK and abroad. However, there should be little doubt that supply chains will be severely disrupted, at least in the medium-term, and in particular if any relevant trading country needs to enter a second or ulterior period of lockdown.

  3. Given its close trade ties, the UK is particularly exposed to the continuity of its trade with the European Union (EU), which has last been estimated to represent 45% of all UK exports and 53% of all UK imports. The intensity of these trade ties is likely to mean that, given a breakdown of existing supply chains, alternative arrangements available to UK businesses are likely to remain significantly concentrated in the EU and, likewise, UK businesses could take the position of bankrupt or temporarily unavailable suppliers in EU businesses’ supply chains.

  4. Under the current circumstances, the added uncertainty surrounding the on-going negotiations of a future UK-EU trade relationship can only compound the likely negative impact of the COVID-19 pandemic for UK businesses trading internationally and for the UK’s public sector in the medium- and long-term. The uncertainty surrounding the continuity of existing and new supply chain arrangements between the UK and the EU once the transition period ends can have severe chilling effects on UK businesses trading internationally and EU businesses supplying the UK.

  5. Any material change to the trading terms between the UK and the EU is bound to have a very large negative impact for the UK economy. Before Brexit, the UK Government had assessed it at a loss of between 6.7 and 9.3% in GDP level in 15 years compared to staying in the EU. Under the current circumstances, the negative economic impact could be even larger.

  6. The single most effective intervention at this stage would be for the Department for International Trade to lead on the negotiations with the EU for a two-year extension of the transition period under Article 132 of the Agreement on the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union and the European Atomic Energy Community. Concerns about the UK’s contribution to the EU budget as a result of an extension of the transition period are unwarranted.

  7. Postponing the end of the transition period to 31 December 2022 would create the necessary space not only for the future UK-EU trade relationship to be properly negotiated, but also to avoid adding the pressure of no-deal contingency planning to the already extreme circumstances under which UK businesses trading internationally and the parts of the UK public sector that rely on trading with international suppliers and contractors, are expected to operate post COVID-19.

As mentioned above, my full submission is available in HMTL and in PDF from the Select Committee website.

A tidal wave for (UK) universities IT procurement? -- Some thoughts on post COVID-19 challenges

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All around the world, university campuses have been closed and will remain closed for a while, then reopen and likely close again, then reopen (and repeat for a few iterations), as we transition to a ‘new normal’. The current lockdown and the likelihood of continued social distancing measures for the foreseeable future are putting a lot of pressure on the higher education sector to adapt to ‘online delivery’ in no time and with no proper planning.

This is a massive (almost impossible) task and will require massive investment, whatever dire financial straits higher education institutions have to navigate as a result of the imminent (or current?) economic crisis and Governments’ funding decisions. Without such investment, the sector will not be able to adapt—except in the very few countries where some of these investment were already made. And that investment will have to be channelled through proper (and largely rethought) procurement strategies and processes, which I think require some attention in the very near future.

But, ‘online teaching’ is happening with (almost no) additional investment …

Not really. The fact that the immediate transition into (some sort of) online delivery (of teaching and, in a larger magnitude, meetings) has not (yet) required such massive investment in the higher education context is just a matter of luck. In particular in the case of the UK, with which I am most familiar (and which is likely to be rather similar to most in other developed countries), universities have a completely inadequate IT infrastructure to support working from home and online teaching and research. The situation can only be worse elsewhere. However, the shortcomings of the IT infrastructure are largely hidden behind the private investment in IT infrastructure by the (UK) higher education workforce.

More generally, the entire transition to the online environment is currently unsustainably relying on individual resources and creativity. I half-joked about the challenges of working from home on twitter, but the serious fact is that large proportions of the academic and professional services communities do not have an adequate work space at home or, for that matter, adequate IT equipment. Issues of space and office furniture may well be nigh impossible to fix (except, perhaps, better chairs), but an improvement on the current IT shortcomings will certainly be necessary sooner rather than later.

Right now, I am writing this blog post on my personal computer—from which I have also been lecturing, attending endless meetings and completing some research tasks (to the limited extent my current circumstances allow). My university (desktop) computer is gathering dust in my office. My laptop was bought a few years ago and is giving worrying signs of likely malfunctioning (please, remember to back up your hard disk!). I have no certainty that I will remain able to do my job if my laptop goes. Moreover, my laptop is struggling with the increased demands of advanced videoconferencing software and the larger amounts of information to be uploaded and downloaded from the cloud. It was simply never intended for this intense use and its technical specs are likely insufficient for some software I will likely need to use if all my teaching goes online in a more serious manner for next academic year.

If my laptop goes or at some point proves unfit for purpose, what should I do? I could try to buy another one online from my own pocket and hope it gets delivered soon enough (as dealing with emails on my phone will definitely not do my eyes and hands any favours), but should I? Or is this now the obligation of my employer? I think the latter, as ‘my’ laptop is no longer something I marginally use for work (eg when travelling to conferences) or as a convenient way of time shifting (to try to minimise time in the office as much as possible in search of a better life/work balance), but is mainly dedicated to my personal use. Right now, my laptop is the bit if University IT architecture that keeps me connected and working from home.

My impression is that the same is true for a vast majority of the (UK) higher education workforce, as most members of staff have not been given laptops or other equipment. The unsustainability of the situation creates an impending tidal wave of IT procurement for (UK) universities.

Challenge and opportunity in post COVID-19 IT procurement for HE institutions

As ‘online higher education’ (in whatever form, including blended, flexible and any other labelled models) becomes the ‘new normal’, universities will have to make sure all members of staff have adequate IT equipment (and internet connections, energy supply, etc, but that is a can of worms on its own). This will require all sorts of measures, from moving existing desktop computers to private homes in the shorter term, to heavily investing in a transition to portable IT hardware (probably not the right label) for all staff—including the possibility of emergency deliveries for those situations (and there will be a few) where the existing (privately owned) laptops, routers and other kit stop functioning the day before the most important event (usually a student-facing one, of course).

The challenge will not only be in funding this, which will itself be difficult. The challenge will be in procuring all this IT equipment sustainably. And this challenge comes with a big opportunity for the development of a (more) sustainable IT landscape in the higher education sector (and elsewhere).

The point of departure, I think, should be a reassessment of the technical specs required for adequate working from home activities, depending on the specific activities to be carried out by each member of staff. Some will have extremely demanding requirements (eg if they have to run VR based activities, such as lab replacement work, or have to run heavy duty big data analysis software), whereas others (most of the law academics, eg) will just require basic functionalities for quality videoconferencing, email and cloud storage. The specs should include some leeway to future-proof investments, but should not be such that we are all given flashy top-end laptops with more computing power than we could possibly use.

To my mind, another point of departure should be that the new investment will have to have the smallest possible environmental impact. This means that the strategy should start by reallocating existing IT equipment, continue by acquiring refurbished equipment and, only where nothing else is available, acquire new equipment—all of it having a clear view of life cycle impacts and, in particular, recyclability at the end of expected use life. On the contrary, if all newly required IT equipment was bought new, this could create a significant negative environmental impact in the transition to the ‘online new normal’ of higher education (and other sectors). It must be avoided.

Finally, this also creates an opportunity to undo the shortsighted cuts in IT support that some higher education institutions have been implementing, as well as develop new capacity that could generate teaching and research synergies. Universities are complex institutions and there seems to be certainly a lot to teach and research about how they design, create, revise, adapt, maintain and dispose of their IT infrastructures and equipment. I am sure some engineering departments could make great contributions to the improvement of the system if some tasks where reconsidered and, in particular, brought back from the myriad outsourcing arrangements currently in place.

UK Government (NHSX) modified existing contracts to buy additional data services to react to COVID-19 -- 'The greater includes the lesser' when it comes to extreme urgency procurement?

Screenshot 2020-04-26 at 14.40.18.png

COVID-19 related procurement is the gift that keeps on giving (at least for procurement professionals and aficionados). Dr Pedro Telles has now found another emerging procurement controversy concerning the modification of pre-existing public contracts to award ‘additional services’ to mine and analyse data to inform the UK Government’s response to the pandemic—as reported by the Guardian (12 Apr 2020) and, in more detail from a procurement perspective, by the Byline Times (22 Apr 2020) . I would expect Pedro to blog about it soon, so keep an eye on telles.eu.

In short—and setting aside the controversy that surrounds the links of the awardees with political figures in the UK and the US, which is nonetheless also rather worrying—the situation is that, in the context of boosting the UK Government’s access to data science analysis as an input to its broader decision-making on pandemic response, NHSX modified a pre-existing contract with Faculty, ‘which had a pre-existing contract with other companies to help build a £250 million artificial intelligence lab for the NHSX.’

This is another procurement exercise where there is very limited public information, so my comments are based on the Byline story taken at face value. Whether entirely accurate or not, I think the story raises an important set of questions on the limits of the extreme urgency exemption from procurement rules and its interaction with the regulation of existing contracts.

The questions that immediately spring to mind are: why would NHSX modify an existing contract, and what are the implications of the contractual expansion? Given the extreme urgency in gaining better insights on the evolution of the COVID-19 pandemic, which seems to me beyond doubt, would it not have been possible (as well as neater and easier to oversee and manage ex post) to directly award a new contract? Are there any particular implications of the choice to modify rather than award a separate contract?

Given the limited public information, all I can do at this stage is speculate. However, I think that some of the unanswered questions below should be added to the already lengthy list that should form the core of a post-crisis public inquiry into COVID-19 related procurement.

Rules on modification and extreme urgency

The modification of the NHSX contract would have been justified on the basis of reg. 72 of the Public Contracts Regulations 2015, which transposes Art. 72 of Directive 2014/24/EU. In particular, the Byline piece refers to reg.72(1)(b) and (c) PCR2015, both of which allow for a contractual modification of up to 50% of the value of the original contract. Both rules simply transpose the equivalent rules of Art 72 Dir 2014/24/EU and need to be interpreted in the same manner.

Awarding additional services in the way that NHSX seems to have done it boggles the mind, mainly because the award of the additional services to mine and analyse COVID-19 related data is unlikely to be covered by either of the two rules—which need to be interpreted restrictively [for details, see A Sanchez-Graells, Public Procurement and the EU Competition Rules (2nd ed, Hart 2015) 429 ff].

Reg. 72(1)(b) PCR2015 allows for a contract to be extended to include additional services that ‘have become necessary and were not included in the initial procurement, where a change of contractor—(i) cannot be made for economic or technical reasons such as requirements of interchangeability or interoperability with existing equipment, services or installations procured under the initial procurement, and (ii) would cause significant inconvenience or substantial duplication of costs for the contracting authority’.

To put it simply, reg. 72(1)(b) PCR2015 contains a rule concerning contract modifications for ‘more of the same’ services under the relevant contract. This is also the clear indication based on recital (108) of Directive 2014/24/EU, which states that: ‘Contracting authorities may be faced with situations where additional works, supplies or services become necessary; in such cases a modification of the initial contract without a new procurement procedure may be justified, in particular where the additional deliveries are intended either as a partial replacements or as the extension of existing services, supplies or installations where a change of supplier would oblige the contracting authority to acquire material, works or services having different technical characteristics which would result in incompatibility or disproportionate technical difficulties in operation and maintenance.’

Reg. 72(1)(c) PCR2015 allows for a non-competed contractual modification to add services to an existing contract where ‘(i) the need for modification has been brought about by circumstances which a diligent contracting authority could not have foreseen; [and] (ii) the modification does not alter the overall nature of the contract’.

Reg. 72(1)(c) PCR2015 contains a rule that gets close to the general possibility to award contracts without competition (under reg.32(2)(c) PCR2015). However, this possibility is subjected to the important constraint that it cannot be used to procure something different from the object of the original contract. This is also rather clear in recital (109) of Directive 2014/24/EU: ‘Contracting authorities can be faced with external circumstances that they could not foresee when they awarded the contract, in particular when the performance of the contract covers a long period. In this case, a certain degree of flexibility is needed to adapt the contract to those circumstances without a new procurement procedure. The notion of unforeseeable circumstances refers to circumstances that could not have been predicted despite reasonably diligent preparation of the initial award by the contracting authority, taking into account its available means, the nature and characteristics of the specific project, good practice in the field in question and the need to ensure an appropriate relationship between the resources spent in preparing the award and its foreseeable value. However, this cannot apply in cases where a modification results in an alteration of the nature of the overall procurement, for instance by replacing the works, supplies or services to be procured by something different or by fundamentally changing the type of procurement since, in such a situation, a hypothetical influence on the outcome may be assumed’ (emphasis added).

We are thus in a situation where the legality of the contractual modification will crucially depend on the object of the initial contract. However, it seems really difficult to see how what NHSX describes as a bespoke data store and dashboard to monitor the evolution of the COVID-19 pandemic (see eg this blog) can fit within the remit or previous contracts, not least because it is meant to ‘self-destroy’ after the pandemic: ‘When the pandemic abates and the outbreak is contained, we will close the Covid-19 datastore. The Data Processing agreements put in place with the organisations listed above include the steps which need to be taken to cease processing and to either destroy or return data to NHS England and NHS Improvement once the public health emergency situation has ended‘.

It is quite difficult to see how the services provided in the creation of the datastore and the dashboard can be additional (in the sense of interoperable or directly complementary) to what was already contracted (see eg a rather detailed description here, where there is no reference to population-wide dashboards), when the COVID-19 specific solutions will be completely abandoned and thus, arguably not support the functioning of the NHS going forward. It is also quite difficult to see how the services provided are not substantially different from what was covered in the original contracts.

Of course, it could be possible to find some compatibility if the original contracts were not for specific solutions, but rather for activities—but, even then, this seems to be a rather distorted use of the rules on contract modification.

Assuming modification was illegal, should we care?

Of course, the discussion above can seem rather academic. If the UK Government (including NHSX) was allowed to enter into direct awards on the basis of the extreme urgency procurement exemption (as I have argued myself, eg here), what difference would it make if the modifications were illegal?

I think there are a few relevant differences. The first one concerns the need to ensure that the distortions to the normal functioning of the procurement rules that ensue from their deactivation in cases of extreme urgency are contained and, mainly, result in clear and traceable creations of new contractual relationships that allow for ex post control and oversight. The second, more practical one, is that the remedies for breach of the relevant rules are different.

While a breach of reg.32(2)(c) PCR2015 in the context of the pandemic can leave disappointed tenderers and the general public without much of a remedy, other than the possible (but in my view, rather unlikely) payment of damages, a breach of reg.72(1)(b) and/or (c) PCR2015 can have more significant and lasting effects, as the remedies in that case include the potential termination of the original contracts (see reg.73 PCR2015).

Indeed, reg.73(1)(a) establishes that ‘Contracting authorities shall ensure that every public contract which they award contains provisions enabling the contracting authority to terminate the contract where—the contract has been subject to a substantial modification which would have required a new procurement procedure in accordance with regulation 72’.

Now, this opens another potentially tricky statutory interpretation issue, which concerns whether the implicit direct award of the contract for the additional services would have required a new procurement procedure under reg. 72, given that it could have been exempted under reg.32. This creates two possibilities (or perhaps there are some additional ones we could find with more time to think about it).

First, a functional interpretation along the lines of ‘the greater includes the lesser’, so that we could waive the potential termination of the contract even in case of breach of reg.72, given that the award of the implicit contract would not have in casu required a new procurement procedure.

Second, a more formalistic interpretation, under which the cause for termination could not be waived because reg.73 is meant as a safeguard against abuses of reg.72 and, thus, is unavoidably triggered the moment the boundaries of reg.72 are exceeded.

Whether one option is preferable to the other can be debated de lege ferenda. For now, de lege data, I would incline towards the second option, as I think this is the one more in line with the case law of the CJEU to date—in particular, Finn Frogne.

So, in my view, I think we should very much care that the rules on contract modification may have been breached, and this creates a risk of termination of the modified NHSX contracts.

Why would they modify rather than award fresh contracts?

The possibility and risk of termination of the pre-existing contracts must have crossed the minds of the lawyers advising NHSX. I think this cannot be a simple oversight or a massive discounting of the risk of termination. There are likely to be some reasons why the modification of a pre-existing contract was used at the same time as the UK Government was directly awarding rather substantial contracts (eg in the context of the Ventilator Challenge).

Those reasons are difficult to disentangle with the available information, but my hunch is that they relate to the intellectual property clauses in the contracts and the likely possibility for NHSX’s contractors to retain very valuable know-how and other IP-protectable outputs of the COVID-19 data store and dashboard project. If this was the implication of the decision to modify pre-existing contracts with potentially favourable terms IP-related terms, then the modification could have been used as a shield against some of the scrutiny that these contracts were known to be likely to attract.

All in all, I think there are very relevant questions on this legal strategy that NHSX needs to answer in the context of a post-crisis public inquiry.

How does the UK Government's ventilator procurement strategy fit with the Commission's Guidance on COVID-19 procurement?

© FT Montage/Ian Bott.

© FT Montage/Ian Bott.

In one more episode of this series—let’s call it #ventilatorgate already, shall we?—Dr Pedro Telles has quickly highlighted the UK Government’s response to an FT story (and twitter thread) that strongly criticised its approach to the procurement of medical ventilators.

One of the interesting parts of the Government’s (entirely predictable) response is the statement that ‘The Government’s strategy to increase ventilator capacity has always focused on three pillars: first, procuring more devices from existing manufacturers overseas; second, scaling up production of existing ventilator suppliers, and third, working with industry to design and manufacture new devices. It has also involved seeking specialist support in other areas including logistics, component and peripheral procurement, and technical expertise.’

Pedro has rightly stressed that ‘This is fascinating insight into the process. … why did the Government follow a pathway that could not (and [h]as not!) provide the NHS immediately with ventilators? The third leg of the stool is not really an appropriate answer here since they could never be approved quickly enough before going into production.’ He also added that ‘It is also a crucial recognition by the Government that ventilator designing and validating *new* ventilator designs takes years effectively meaning that there is no way the new designs could be validated and put in service in due time to deal with the current pandemic. There is an obvious consequence to this assumption and that is to clear any doubts that the Dyson contract illegal since it does not solve an immediate need.’

I fully agree. Of the three pillars of the UK Government’s strategy, only the first two are in line with the EU and UK procurement rules and, in particular, the extreme urgency procurement exemption. This is clear in the European Commission’s Guidance on using the public procurement framework in the emergency situation related to the COVID-19 crisis [2020] OJ C108I/1 (see here for comments). There is no doubt that, according to existing CJEU case law, ‘if extreme urgency is invoked, the procurement need has to be satisfied without delay. The exception cannot be invoked for the award of contracts that take longer than they would have taken if a transparent, open or restricted, procedure had been used, including accelerated (open or restricted) procedures‘ (Guidance, part 2.3.2, with reference to the Order of the Court of Justice of 20 June 2013 in Consiglio Nazionale degli Ingegneri, C-352/12, EU:C:2013:416, paragraphs 50-52).

Therefore, if the award of contracts under the ‘Ventilator Challenge’ was justified on grounds of extreme urgency, then those direct awards are illegal inasmuch as they concern new models or prototypes without regulatory approval and that would not be in a position to obtain it imminently (which seems to only be the case of the Penlon ventilators, which only required adaptation). If an alternative legal basis was used, the Government should disclose it without delay, as the illegality of the awards triggers serious risks of legal challenge and, potentially, pay-outs in damages. The need for a post-crisis public inquiry into these awards only keeps growing by the day.

I think this analysis is uncontroversial. However, it may perhaps be useful to also point out that this is not an instance of (EU) procurement law getting on the way of the Government’s bold ambitions or innovative approaches—else, this can further fuel the claims already been made by the UK Government that now more than ever there is a need for the UK to rid itself from the constraints of EU law, as well as the PM’s bonfire of procurement rules. This is not a time to allow procurement rules to be made a scapegoat for yet another attempt by the UK Government to use procurement to seek to boost the domestic industry, much as in the case of #ferrygate.

In fact, it should be stressed that the European Commission’s Guidance endorses similar approaches and unconventional commercial strategies to react to the COVID-19 emergency, just not within the narrow confines of the extreme urgency exemption. The Commission’s Guidance stresses that, within the narrow extreme urgency exception and ‘[t]o satisfy their needs, public buyers may have to look for alternative and possibly innovative solutions, which might already be available on the market or could be capable of being deployed at (very) short notice‘ (part 1). This highlights the requirement of the (near) immediacy in the supply to cover for the extremely urgent need—such as the adaptation of existing models.

This is distinguished from non-immediate alternatives and innovations, such as the development of new (to be tested and authorised) models, in relation to which the Guidance indicates that ‘Public buyers are fully empowered under the EU framework to engage with the market and in matchmaking activities. There are various ways to interact with the market to stimulate the supply and for the medium term needs, the application of urgent procedures could prove a more reliable means of getting better value for money and wider access to available supplies. In addition: ... Public buyers may use innovative digital tools ... to trigger a wide interest among economic actors able to propose alternative solutions. For example, they could launch hackathons for new concepts that enable reusing protective masks after cleaning, for ideas on how to protect medical staff effectively, for ways to detect the virus in the environment, etc’ (part 1, emphasis added).

By the UK Government’s own admission, the Ventilator Challenge was a (sort of) hackathon. Indeed, the Government’s response stresses that ‘[n]o one was under any illusions at the time of launching the Challenge that producing new designs for domestic production would be anything other than a significant and exacting test. Ventilators are highly complex medical devices requiring hundreds of individual components. That was precisely the point of issuing a public Challenge. Alongside new devices, the Challenge has pursued scaling up a number of existing, proven ventilators…

Therefore, the adequate approach would have been to follow urgent procedures (either open or restricted), which would have required the UK Government to advertise the contractual opportunity (for 15, or 15+10 days, respectively). Given that the Ventilator Challenge was launched on 16 March 2020 and that, at the time of the Government response (19 April 2020), no new ventilators had received regulatory approval, there is no evidence that the same (sadly, so far, unproductive) result could not have been achieved by resorting to urgent (but not extremely urgent) procurement procedures.

However, openly advertising the requirements rather than holding a (by invitation only) conference call with UK manufacturers would probably not have satisfied the Government’s more veiled ambition of using this as an industrial policy opportunity. And this seems to have been an important element of the strategy too. And one that, once again, merits very close scrutiny in a public inquiry.