Procurement centralisation, digital technologies and competition (new working paper)

Source: Wikipedia.

I have just uploaded on SSRN the new working paper ‘Competition Implications of Procurement Digitalisation and the Procurement of Digital Technologies by Central Purchasing Bodies’, which I will present at the conference on “Centralization and new trends" to be held at the University of Copenhagen on 25-26 April 2023 (there is still time to register!).

The paper builds on my ongoing research on digital technologies and procurement governance, and focuses on the interaction between the strategic goals of procurement centralisation and digitalisation set by the European Commission in its 2017 public procurement strategy.

The paper identifies different ways in which current trends of procurement digitalisation and the challenges in procuring digital technologies push for further procurement centralisation. This is in particular to facilitate the extraction of insights from big data held by central purchasing bodies (CPBs); build public sector digital capabilities; and boost procurement’s regulatory gatekeeping potential. The paper then explores the competition implications of this technology-driven push for further procurement centralisation, in both ‘standard’ and digital markets.

The paper concludes by stressing the need to bring CPBs within the remit of competition law (which I had already advocated eg here), the opportunity to consider allocating CPB data management to a separate competent body under the Data Governance Act, and the related need to develop an effective system of mandatory requirements and external oversight of public sector digitalisation processes, specially to constrain CPBs’ (unbridled) digital regulatory power.

The full working paper reference is: A Sanchez-Graells, Albert, ‘Competition Implications of Procurement Digitalisation and the Procurement of Digital Technologies by Central Purchasing Bodies’ (March 2, 2023), Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=4376037. As always, any feedback most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

Digital technologies, hype, and public sector capability

© Martin Brandt / Flickr.

By Albert Sanchez-Graells (@How2CrackANut) and Michael Lewis (@OpsProf).*

The public sector’s reaction to digital technologies and the associated regulatory and governance challenges is difficult to map, but there are some general trends that seem worrisome. In this blog post, we reflect on the problematic compound effects of technology hype cycles and diminished public sector digital technology capability, paying particular attention to their impact on public procurement.

Digital technologies, smoke, and mirrors

There is a generalised over-optimism about the potential of digital technologies, as well as their likely impact on economic growth and international competitiveness. There is also a rush to ‘look digitally advanced’ eg through the formulation of ‘AI strategies’ that are unlikely to generate significant practical impacts (more on that below). However, there seems to be a big (and growing?) gap between what countries report (or pretend) to be doing (eg in reports to the OECD AI observatory, or in relation to any other AI readiness ranking) and what they are practically doing. A relatively recent analysis showed that European countries (including the UK) underperform particularly in relation to strategic aspects that require detailed work (see graph). In other words, there are very few countries ready to move past signalling a willingness to jump onto the digital tech bandwagon.

Some of that over-optimism stems from limited public sector capability to understand the technologies themselves (as well as their implications), which leads to naïve or captured approaches to policymaking (on capture, see the eye-watering account emerging from the #Uberfiles). Given the closer alignment (or political meddling?) of policymakers with eg research funding programmes, including but not limited to academic institutions, naïve or captured approaches impact other areas of ‘support’ for the development of digital technologies. This also trickles down to procurement, as the ‘purchasing’ of digital technologies with public money is seen as a (not very subtle) way of subsidising their development (nb. there are many proponents of that approach, such as Mazzucato, as discussed here). However, this can also generate further space for capture, as the same lack of capability that affects high(er) level policymaking also affects funding organisations and ‘street level’ procurement teams. This results in a situation where procurement best practices such as market engagement result in the ‘art of the possible’ being determined by private industry. There is rarely co-creation of solutions, but too often a capture of procurement expenditure by entrepreneurs.

Limited capability, difficult assessments, and dependency risk

Perhaps the universalist techno-utopian framing (cost savings and efficiency and economic growth and better health and new service offerings, etc.) means it is increasingly hard to distinguish the specific merits of different digitalisation options – and the commercial interests that actively hype them. It is also increasingly difficult to carry out effective impact assessments where the (overstressed) benefits are relatively narrow and short-termist, while the downsides of technological adoption are diffuse and likely to only emerge after a significant time lag. Ironically, this limited ability to diagnose ‘relative’ risks and rewards is further exacerbated by the diminishing technical capability of the state: a negative mirror to Amazon’s flywheel model for amplifying capability. Indeed, as stressed by Bharosa (2022): “The perceptions of benefits and risks can be blurred by the information asymmetry between the public agencies and GovTech providers. In the case of GovTech solutions using new technologies like AI, Blockchain and IoT, the principal-agent problem can surface”.

As Colington (2021) points out, despite the “innumerable papers in organisation and management studies” on digitalisation, there is much less understanding of how interests of the digital economy might “reconfigure” public sector capacity. In studying Denmark’s policy of public sector digitalisation – which had the explicit intent of stimulating nascent digital technology industries – she observes the loss of the very capabilities necessary “for welfare states to develop competences for adapting and learning”. In the UK, where it might be argued there have been attempts, such as the Government Digital Services (GDS) and NHS Digital, to cultivate some digital skills ‘in-house’, the enduring legacy has been more limited in the face of endless demands for ‘cost saving’. Kattel and Takala (2021) for example studied GDS and noted that, despite early successes, they faced the challenge of continual (re)legitimization and squeezed investment; especially given the persistent cross-subsidised ‘land grab’ of platforms, like Amazon and Google, that offer ‘lower cost and higher quality’ services to governments. The early evidence emerging from the pilot algorithmic transparency standard seems to confirm this trend of (over)reliance on external providers, including Big Tech providers such as Microsoft (see here).

This is reflective of Milward and Provan’s (2003) ‘hollow state’ metaphor, used to describe "the nature of the devolution of power and decentralization of services from central government to subnational government and, by extension, to third parties – nonprofit agencies and private firms – who increasingly manage programs in the name of the state.” Two decades after its formulation, the metaphor is all the more applicable, as the hollowing out of the State is arguably a few orders of magnitude larger due the techno-centricity of reforms in the race towards a new model of digital public governance. It seems as if the role of the State is currently understood as being limited to that of enabler (and funder) of public governance reforms, not solely implemented, but driven by third parties—and primarily highly concentrated digital tech giants; so that “some GovTech providers can become the next Big Tech providers that could further exploit the limited technical knowledge available at public agencies [and] this dependency risk can become even more significant once modern GovTech solutions replace older government components” (Bharosa, 2022). This is a worrying trend, as once dominance is established, the expected anticompetitive effects of any market can be further multiplied and propagated in a setting of low public sector capability that fuels risk aversion, where the adage “Nobody ever gets fired for buying IBM” has been around since the 70s with limited variation (as to the tech platform it is ‘safe to engage’).

Ultimately, the more the State takes a back seat, the more its ability to steer developments fades away. The rise of a GovTech industry seeking to support governments in their digital transformation generates “concerns that GovTech solutions are a Trojan horse, exploiting the lack of technical knowledge at public agencies and shifting decision-making power from public agencies to market parties, thereby undermining digital sovereignty and public values” (Bharosa, 2022). Therefore, continuing to simply allow experimentation in the GovTech market without a clear strategy on how to reign the industry in—and, relatedly, how to build the public sector capacity needed to do so as a precondition—is a strategy with (exponentially) increasing reversal costs and an unclear tipping point past which meaningful change may simply not be possible.

Public sector and hype cycle

Being more pragmatic, the widely cited, if impressionistic, “hype cycle model” developed by Gartner Inc. provides additional insights. The model presents a generalized expectations path that new technologies follow over time, which suggests that new industrial technologies progress through different stages up to a peak that is followed by disappointment and, later, a recovery of expectations.

Although intended to describe aggregate technology level dynamics, it can be useful to consider the hype cycle for public digital technologies. In the early phases of the curve, vendors and potential users are actively looking for ways to create value from new technology and will claim endless potential use cases. If these are subsequently piloted or demonstrated – even if ‘free’ – they are exciting and visible, and vendors are keen to share use cases, they contribute to creating hype. Limited public sector capacity can also underpin excitement for use cases that are so far removed from their likely practical implementation, or so heavily curated, that they do not provide an accurate representation of how the technology would operate at production phase in the generally messy settings of public sector activity and public sector delivery. In phases such as the peak of inflated expectations, only organisations with sufficient digital technology and commercial capabilities can see through sophisticated marketing and sales efforts to separate the hype from the true potential of immature technologies. The emperor is likely to be naked, but who’s to say?

Moreover, as mentioned above, international organisations one step (upwards) removed from the State create additional fuel for the hype through mapping exercises and rankings, which generate a vicious circle of “public sector FOMO” as entrepreneurial bureaucrats and politicians are unlikely to want to be listed bottom of the table and can thus be particularly receptive to hyped pitches. This can leverage incentives to support *almost any* sort of tech pilots and implementations just to be seen to do something ‘innovative’, or to rush through high-risk implementations seeking to ‘cash in’ on the political and other rents they can (be spun to) generate.

However, as emerging evidence shows (AI Watch, 2022), there is a big attrition rate between announced and piloted adoptions, and those that are ultimately embedded in the functioning of the public sector in a value-adding manner (ie those that reach the plateau of productivity stage in the cycle). Crucially, the AI literacy and skills in the staff involved in the use of the technology post-pilot are one of the critical challenges to the AI implementation phase in the EU public sector (AI Watch, 2021). Thus, early moves in the hype curve are unlikely to translate into sustainable and expectations-matching deployments in the absence of a significant boost of public sector digital technology capabilities. Without committed long-term investment in that capability, piloting and experimentation will rarely translate into anything but expensive pet projects (and lucrative contracts).

Locking the hype in: IP, data, and acquisitions markets

Relatedly, the lack of public sector capacity is a foundation for eg policy recommendations seeking to avoid the public buyer acquiring (and having to manage) IP rights over the digital technologies it funds through procurement of innovation (see eg the European Commission’s policy approach: “There is also a need to improve the conditions for companies to protect and use IP in public procurement with a view to stimulating innovation and boosting the economy. Member States should consider leaving IP ownership to the contractors where appropriate, unless there are overriding public interests at stake or incompatible open licensing strategies in place” at 10).

This is clear as mud (eg what does overriding public interest mean here?) but fails to establish an adequate balance between public funding and public access to the technology, as well as generating (unavoidable?) risks of lock-in and exacerbating issues of lack of capacity in the medium and long-term. Not only in terms of re-procuring the technology (see related discussion here), but also in terms of the broader impact this can have if the technology is propagated to the private sector as a result of or in relation to public sector adoption.

Linking this recommendation to the hype curve, such an approach to relying on proprietary tech with all rights reserved to the third-party developer means that first mover advantages secured by private firms at the early stages of the emergence of a new technology are likely to be very profitable in the long term. This creates further incentives for hype and for investment in being the first to capture decision-makers, which results in an overexposure of policymakers and politicians to tech entrepreneurs pushing hard for (too early) adoption of technologies.

The exact same dynamic emerges in relation to access to data held by public sector entities without which GovTech (and other types of) innovation cannot take place. The value of data is still to be properly understood, as are the mechanisms that can ensure that the public sector obtains and retains the value that data uses can generate. Schemes to eg obtain value options through shares in companies seeking to monetise patient data are not bullet-proof, as some NHS Trusts recently found out (see here, and here paywalled). Contractual regulation of data access, data ownership and data retention rights and obligations pose a significant challenge to institutions with limited digital technology capabilities and can compound IP-related lock-in problems.

A final further complication is that the market for acquisitions of GovTech and other digital technologies start-ups and scale-ups is very active and unpredictable. Even with standard levels of due diligence, public sector institutions that had carefully sought to foster a diverse innovation ecosystem and to avoid contracting (solely) with big players may end up in their hands anyway, once their selected provider leverages their public sector success to deliver an ‘exit strategy’ for their founders and other (venture capital) investors. Change of control clauses clearly have a role to play, but the outside alternatives for public sector institutions engulfed in this process of market consolidation can be limited and difficult to assess, and particularly challenging for organisations with limited digital technology and associated commercial capabilities.

Procurement at the sharp end

Going back to the ongoing difficulty (and unwillingness?) in regulating some digital technologies, there is a (dominant) general narrative that imposes a ‘balanced’ approach between ensuring adequate safeguards and not stifling innovation (with some countries clearly erring much more on the side of caution, such as the UK, than others, such as the EU with the proposed EU AI Act, although the scope of application of its regulatory requirements is narrower than it may seem). This increasingly means that the tall order task of imposing regulatory constraints on the digital technologies and the private sector companies that develop (and own them) is passed on to procurement teams, as the procurement function is seen as a useful regulatory mechanism (see eg Select Committee on Public Standards, Ada Lovelace Institute, Coglianese and Lampmann (2021), Ben Dor and Coglianese (2022), etc but also the approach favoured by the European Commission through the standard clauses for the procurement of AI).

However, this approach completely ignores issues of (lack of) readiness and capability that indicate that the procurement function is being set up to fail in this gatekeeping role (in the absence of massive investment in upskilling). Not only because it lacks the (technical) ability to figure out the relevant checks and balances, and because the levels of required due diligence far exceed standard practices in more mature markets and lower risk procurements, but also because the procurement function can be at the sharp end of the hype cycle and (pragmatically) unable to stop the implementation of technological deployments that are either wasteful or problematic from a governance perspective, as public buyers are rarely in a position of independent decision-making that could enable them to do so. Institutional dynamics can be difficult to navigate even with good insights into problematic decisions, and can be intractable in a context of low capability to understand potential problems and push back against naïve or captured decisions to procure specific technologies and/or from specific providers.

Final thoughts

So, as a generalisation, lack of public sector capability seems to be skewing high level policy and limiting the development of effective plans to roll it out, filtering through to incentive systems that will have major repercussions on what technologies are developed and procured, with risks of lock-in and centralisation of power (away from the public sector), as well as generating a false comfort in the ability of the public procurement function to provide an effective route to tech regulation. The answer to these problems is both evident, simple, and politically intractable in view of the permeating hype around new technologies: more investment in capacity building across the public sector.

This regulatory answer is further complicated by the difficulty in implementing it in an employment market where the public sector, its reward schemes and social esteem are dwarfed by the high salaries, flexible work conditions and allure of the (Big) Tech sector and the GovTech start-up scene. Some strategies aimed at alleviating the generalised lack of public sector capability, e.g. through a GovTech platform at the EU level, can generate further risks of reduction of (in-house) public sector capability at State (and regional, local) level as well as bottlenecks in the access of tech to the public sector that could magnify issues of market dominance, lock-in and over-reliance on GovTech providers (as discussed in Hoekstra et al, 2022).

Ultimately, it is imperative to build more digital technology capability in the public sector, and to recognise that there are no quick (or cheap) fixes to do so. Otherwise, much like with climate change, despite the existence of clear interventions that can mitigate the problem, the hollowing out of the State and the increasing overdependency on Big Tech providers will be a self-fulfilling prophecy for which governments will have no one to blame but themselves.

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* We are grateful to Rob Knott (@Procure4Health) for comments on an earlier draft. Any remaining errors and all opinions are solely ours.

Some thoughts on the Commission's 2021 Report on 'Implementation and best practices of national procurement policies in the Internal Market'

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In May 2021, the European Commission published its report on the ‘Implementation and best practices of national procurement policies in the Internal Market’ (the ‘2021 report’). The 2021 report aggregates the national reports sent by Member States in discharge of specific reporting obligations contained in the 2014 Public Procurement Package and offers some insight into the teething issues resulting from its transposition—which may well have become structural issues. In this post, I offer some thoughts on the contents of the 2021 report.

Better late than never?

Before getting to the details of the 2021 report, the first thing to note is the very significant delay in the publication of this information and analysis, as the 2021 report refers to the implementation and practice of procurement covered by the Directives in 2017. The original national reports seem to have been submitted by the Member States (plus Norway, minus Austria for some unexplained reason) in 2018.

Given the limited analysis conducted in the 2021 report, one can wonder why it took the Commission so long. There may be some explanation in the excuses recently put forward to the European Parliament for the continued delay (almost 2 and a half years, and counting) in reporting on the economic effect of the 2014 rules, although that is less than persuasive. Moreover, given that the reporting obligation incumbent on the Member States is triggered every three years, in 2021 we should be having fresh data and analysis of the national reports covering the period 2018-2020 … Oh well, let’s work with what we have.

A missing data (stewardship) nightmare

The 2021 report provides painful evidence of the lack of reliable procurement data in 2017. Nothing new there, sadly—although the detail of the data inconsistencies, including Member States reporting ‘above threshold procurement’ data that differs from what can be extracted from TED (page 4), really should raise a few red flags and prompt a few follow-up questions from the Commission … the open-ended commitment to further investigation (page 4) sounding as too little, too late.

The main issue, though, is that this problem is unlikely to have been solved yet. While there is some promise in the forthcoming implementation of new eForms (to start being used between Nov 2022 and no later than Oct 2023), the broader problem of ensuring uniformity of data collection and (more) timely reporting is likely to remain. It is also surprising to see that the Commission considers that the collection of ‘above threshold’ procurement data is voluntary for Member States (fn 5), when Art 85(1) places them under an obligation to provide ‘missing statistical information’ where it cannot be extracted from (TED) notices.

So, from a governance perspective (and leaving aside the soft, or less, push towards the implementation of OCDS standards in different Member States), it seems that the Commission and the Member States are both happy to just keeping shrugging their shoulders at each other when it comes to the incompleteness and low quality of procurement data. May it be time for the Commission to start enforcing reporting obligations seriously and with adequate follow-ups? Or should we wait to the (2024?) second edition of the implementation report to decide to do something then — although it will then be quite tempting to say that we need to wait and see what effect the (delayed?) adoption of the eForms generates. So maybe in light of the (2027?) third edition of the report?

Lack of capability, and ‘Most frequent sources of wrong application or of legal uncertainty’

The 2021 report includes a section on the reported most frequent sources of incorrect application of the 2014 rules, or perceived areas of legal uncertainty. This section, however, starts with a list of issues that rather point to a shortfall of capabilities in the procurement workforce in (some?) Member States. Again, while the Commission’s work on procurement professionalisation may have slightly changed the picture, this is primarily a matter for Member State investment. And in the current circumstances, it seems difficult to see how the post-pandemic economic recovery funds that are being channeled through procurement can be effectively spent where there are such staffing issues.

The rest of the section includes some selected issues posing concrete interpretation or practical implementation difficulties, such as the calculation of threshold values, the rules on exclusion and the rules on award criteria. While these are areas that will always generate some practical challenges, these are not the areas where the 2014 Package generated most change (certainly not on thresholds) and the 2021 report then seems to keep raising structural issues. The same can be said of the generalised preference for the use of lowest price, the absence of market research and engagement, the imposition of unrealistically short tendering deadlines implicit in rushed procurement, or the arbitrary use of selection criteria.

All of this does not bode well for the ‘strategic use’ of procurement (more below) and it seems like the flexibility and potential for process-based innovation of the 2014 rules (as was that of the 2004 rules?) are likely to remain largely unused, thus triggering poor procurement practices later to fuel further claims for flexibilisation and simplification in the next round of revision. On that note, I cannot refrain from pointing to the UK’s recent green paper on the ‘Transformation of Public Procurement’ as a clear example of the persistence of some procurement myths that remain in the collective imagery despite a lack of engagement with recent legislative changes aimed at debunking them (see here, here, and here for more analysis).

Fraud, corruption, conflict of interest and serious irregularities

The 2021 report then has a section that would seem rather positive and incapable of controversy at first sight, as it presents (laudable) efforts at Member State level to create robust anti-fraud and anti-corruption institutions, as well as implementations of rules on conflict of interest that exceed the EU minimum standard, and the development of sophisticated approaches to the prevention and detection of collusion in procurement. Two comments come to mind here.

The first one is that the treatment of conflicts of interest in the Directive clearly requires the development of further rules at domestic level and that the main issue is not whether the statutes contain suitable definitions, but whether conflicts of interest are effectively screened and (more importantly), reacted to. In that regard, it would be interesting to know, for example, how many decisions finding a non-solvable conflict of interest have led to the exclusion of tenderers at Member State level since the new rules came into force. If anyone wanted to venture an estimate, I would not expect it to be in the 1000s.

The second comment is that the picture that the 2021 report paints about the (2017) development of anti-collusion approaches at Member State level (page 7) puts a large question mark on the need for the recent Notice on tools to fight collusion in public procurement and on guidance on how to apply the related exclusion ground (see comments here). If the Member States were already taking action, why did the (contemporaneous) 2017 Communication on ‘Making public procurement work in and for Europe’ (see here) include a commitment to ‘… develop tools and initiatives addressing this issue and raising awareness to minimise the risks of collusive behaviours on procurement markets. This will include actions to improve the market knowledge of contracting authorities, support to contracting authorities careful planning and design of procurement processes and better cooperation and exchange of information between public procurement and competition authorities. The Commission will also prepare guidelines on the application of the new EU procurement directives on exclusion grounds on collusion.’ Is the Commission perhaps failing to recognise that the 2014 rules, and in particular the new exclusion ground for contemporaneous collusion, created legal uncertainty and complicated the practical application of the emerging domestic practices?

Moreover, the 2021 report includes a relatively secondary comment that the national reports ‘show that developing and applying means for the quantitative assessment of collusion risks in award procedures, mostly in the form of risk indicators, remains a challenge’. This is a big understatement and the absence of (publicly-known?) work by the Commission itself on the development of algorithmic screening for collusion detection purposes can only be explained away by the insufficiency of the existing data (which killed off eg a recent effort in the UK), which brings us back to the importance of stronger data stewardship if some of the structural issues are to be resolved (or started to be resolved) any time soon.

SMEs

There is also little about SME access to procurement in the 2021 report, mainly due to limited data provided in the national reports (so, again, another justification for a tougher approach to data collection and reporting). However, there are a couple of interesting qualitative issues. The first one is that ‘only a limited number of Member States have explicitly mentioned challenges encountered by SMEs in public procurement’ (page 7), which raises some questions about the extent to which SME-centric policy issues rank equally high at EU and at national level (which can be relevant in terms of assessing e.g. the also very recent Report on SME needs in public procurement (Feb 2021, but published July 2021). The second one is that the few national strategies seeking to boost SME participation in procurement concern programmes aimed at increasing interactions between SMEs and contracting authorities at policy and practice design level, as well as training for SMEs. What those programmes have in common is that they require capability and resources to be dedicated to the SME procurement policy. Given the shortcomings evidenced in the 2021 report (above), it should be no wonder that most Member States do not have the resources to afford them.

Green, social & Innovation | ‘strategic procurement’

Not too dissimilarly, the section on the uptake of ‘strategic procurement’ also points at difficulties derived from limited capability or understanding of these issues amongst public buyers, as well as the perception (at least for green procurement) that it can be detrimental to SME participation. There is also repeated reference to lack of clarity of the rules and risks of litigation — both of which are in the end dependent on procurement capability, at least to a large extent.

All of this is particularly important, not only because it reinforces the difficulties of conducting complex or sophisticated procurement procedures that exceed the capability (either in terms of skill or, probably more likely, available time) of the procurement workforce, but also because it once again places some big question marks on the feasibiity of implementing some of the tall asks derived from eg the new green procurement requirements that can be expected to follow from the European Green Deal.

Overal thoughts

All of this leads me to two, not in the least original or groundbreaking, thoughts. First, that procurement data is an enabler of policies and practices (clearly of those supported by digital technologies, but not only) which absence significantly hinders the effectiveness of the procurement function. Second, that there is a systemic and long-lasting underinvestment in procurement capability in (most) Member States — about which there is little the European Commission can do — which also significantly hinders the effectiveness of the procurement function.

So, if the current situation is to be changed, a bold and aggressive plan of investment in an enabling data architecture and legal-commercial (and technical) capability is necessary. Conversely, until (or unless) that happens, all plans to use procurement to prop up or reactivate the economy post-pandemic and, more importantly, to face the challenges of the climate emergency are likely to be of extremely limited practical relevance due to failures in their implementation. The 2021 report clearly supports aggressive action on both fronts (even if it refers to the situation in 2017, the problems are very much still current). Will it be taken?

3 priorities for policy-makers thinking of AI and machine learning for procurement governance

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I find that carrying out research in the digital technologies and governance field can be overwhelming. And that is for an academic currently having the luxury of full-time research leave… so I can only imagine how much more overwhelming it must be for policy-makers thinking about the adoption of artificial intelligence (AI) and machine learning for procurement governance, to identify potential use cases and to establish viable deployment strategies.

Prioritisation seems particularly complicated, as managing such a significant change requires careful planning and paying attention to a wide variety of potential issues. However, getting prioritisation right is probably the best way of increasing the chances of success for the deployment of digital technologies for procurement governance — as well as in other areas of Regtech, such as financial supervision.

This interesting speech by James Proudman (Executive Director of UK Deposit Takers Supervision, Bank of England) on 'Managing Machines: the governance of artificial intelligence', precisely focuses on such issues. And I find the conclusions particularly enlightening:

First, the observation that the introduction of AI/ML poses significant challenges around the proper use of data, suggests that boards should attach priority to the governance of data – what data should be used; how should it be modelled and tested; and whether the outcomes derived from the data are correct.

Second, the observation that the introduction of AI/ML does not eliminate the role of human incentives in delivering good or bad outcomes, but transforms them, implies that boards should continue to focus on the oversight of human incentives and accountabilities within AI/ML-centric systems.

And third, the acceleration in the rate of introduction of AI/ML will create increased execution risks during the transition that need to be overseen. Boards should reflect on the range of skill sets and controls that are required to mitigate these risks both at senior level and throughout the organisation.

These seem to me directly transferable to the context of procurement governance and the design of strategies for the deployment of AI and machine learning, as well as other digital technologies.

First, it is necessary to create an enabling data architecture and to put significant thought into how to extract value from the increasingly available data. In that regard, there are two opportunities that should not be missed. One concerns the treatment of procurement datasets as high-value datasets for the purposes of the special regime of the Open Data Directive (for more details, see section 6 here), which will require careful consideration of the content and level of openness of procurement data in the context of the domestic transpositions that need to be in place by 17 July 2021. The other, related opportunity concerns the implementation of the new rules on eForms for procurement data publications, which Member States need to adopt by 14 November 2022. Building on the data architecture that will result from both sets of changes—which should be coordinated—will allow for the deployment of data analytics and machine learning techniques. The purposes and goals of such deployments also need to be considered carefully, as well as their potential implications.

Second, it seems clear that the changes in the management of procurement data and the quick development of analytics that can support procurement decision-making pile some additional training and upskilling needs on the already existing (and partially unaddressed?) current challenges of full consolidation of eProcurement across the EU. Moreover, it should be clear that there is no such thing as an objective and value neutral implementation of technological governance solutions and that all levels of accountability need to be provided with adequate data skills and digital literacy upgrades in order to check what is being done at the technical level (for crystal-clear discussion, see van der Voort et al, 'Rationality and politics of algorithms. Will the promise of big data survive the dynamics of public decision making?' (2019) 36(1) Government Information Quarterly 27-38). Otherwise, governance mechanism would be at risk of failure due to techno-capture and/or techno-blindness, whether intended or accidental.

Third, there is an increasing need to manage change and the risks that come with it. In a notoriously risk averse policy field such as procurement, this is no minor challenge. This should also prompt some rethinking of the way the procurement function is organised and its risk-management mechanisms.

Addressing these priorities will not be easy or cheap, but these are the fundamental building blocks required to enable the public procurement sector to benefit from the benefits of digital technologies as they mature. In consultancy jargon, these are the priorities to ‘future-proof’ procurement strategies. Will they be adopted?

Postscript

It is worth adding that, in particular the first and second issues, lend themselves to strong collaborations between policy-makers and academics. As rightly pointed out by Pencheva et al, 'Big Data and AI – A transformational shift for government: So, what next for research?' (2018) Public Policy and Administration, advanced access at 16:

... governments should also support the efforts for knowledge creation and analysis by opening up their data further, collaborating with – and actively seeking inputs from – researchers to understand how Big Data can be utilised in the public sector. Ultimately, the supporting field of academic thought will only be as strong as the public administration practice allows it to be.

The European Commission's Recommendation on procurement professionalisation: Show me the money

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In a second ‘mini-round’ of ‘procurement tennis’, Pedro Telles and I are critically assessing the European Commission’s October 2017 package of communications on public procurement. We started with the ‘voluntary ex ante mechanism for large infrastructure projects’ (see here and here), and Pedro has followed with his views on the ‘recommendation on professionalisation’ (see here). I will also discuss this document now. In two following pairs of posts, we plan to discuss the consultation on guidance on procurement of innovation and the communication on 'Making public procurement work in and for Europe' itself. Watch this space.

Focusing on the recommendation on professionalisation, Pedro has raised important points about the limited effects that professionalisation (understood as training and career management) can have in the absence of financial and reputational incentives for procurers, as well as specific issues concerning the aspects of the recommendation that deal with issues that have no (or almost no) bearing with a discussion on professionalization—such as issues concerning environmental and sustainable procurement, e-procurement or anti-corruption measures. Pedro has also raised important points concerning the need to look beyond the EU in search for best practices, and the need to distinguish between exchange of experiences and exchange of best practices (that is, the need to create a filter to ensure that different procurement communities do not replicate erroneous or illegal solutions that seemed to work in a specific context).

I fully subscribe Pedro’s criticism of the proposal of the Commission and would go even further. There are quite a few aspects that can be criticised, both in the recommendation itself (which is unfocused, exceeds the scope of professionalisation (in particular in part III) and tends to simply state the obvious) and in the staff working document that accompanies it (which is sloppily drafted, breaks up and repeats examples in a way that comes to inflate their number, and has for no reason been published as a pdf with the promise of a future interactive online tool, rather than being directly in that format—for what was the rush?). They are both also fatally flawed by a lack of recognition of the real costs of training a procurement workforce, in particular in terms of the time and effort of those being trained (as indicated by Pedro, and as masked with the only example that contains costing figures, No 2, from Consip) and of the long-term strategies and measures that need to be developed. In this post, however, I will concentrate particularly on six issues that I consider particularly restrictive of any effectiveness of the Commission’s recommendation, which largely ignores them.

In my view, the main areas for criticism of the recommendations on professionalisation formulated by the Commission are: (1) that procurement is not different from other areas of public sector activity requiring specialist skills, (2) that skills (human capital) need to be recompensed and incentivised if the public sector wants to avoid capacity drainage and cross-subsidisation, (3) that increasingly complex systems and sophisticated procurement do not require ‘super-procurers’ but rather ‘teams of procurers’, (4) that language is a very relevant barrier, both for advocacy/awareness efforts and cross-learning, (5) that the Commission cannot pass on to Member States the hot potato of issuing procurement guidance, and (6) that any initiatives will not be implemented in the vacuum or in a blank slate, which requires both consideration of change management and competition neutrality. I will keep my comments on each of these points short.

(1) Procurement is not different from other areas of public sector activity requiring specialist skills

The recommendation on professionalization largely assumes that developing and retaining a skilled workforce is a particular challenge in procurement, and it only mentions customs clearance as an area with equivalent needs and with a previous experience meriting study at EU level. However, from the perspective of a Member State, resourcing procurement is not less or more challenging than resourcing regulatory agencies (competition, energy, telecoms, etc), oversight bodies (central banks, insurance authorities), entities with budgetary responsibility (courts of auditors) and a number of other functions (food control, patents, consumer protection, ...). Importantly, in several Member States, the systems are generally developed around a model of relatively generalist civil servants that then go on to specialise in specific tasks as they are called to particular positions. This has two big implications: one, that it will hardly be acceptable for ‘procurers’ to be trained, recompensed and supported in ways much different than those dedicated to other activities. Second, that the State will probably not be in a position to undertake a significant reform of its entire civil service (access, training and remuneration) in the short term. These are rather complex issues and it is not realistic to think that procurement can change much more, or at a faster pace, than general civil service reforms. Some (small) parts of the procurement workforce can receive a different treatment in the context of ‘private-form’ procurement entities (such as central purchasing bodies, or CPBs), but this can hardly be a general solution.

(2) Skills (human capital) need to be recompensed and incentivised if the public sector wants to avoid capacity drainage and cross-subsidisation

The recommendation on professionalization ignores the evidence contained in itself. I find it quite telling that both RESAH in France (example No 34) and BBG in Austria (example No 35), which is one of the CPBs portrayed as having been more successful in creating a training programme in the staff working document, indicate that they have significant retention issues, as their trained employees/ members are scooped by other entities. This echoes similar trends in other countries (such as Hansel in Finland and Pianoo in the Netherlands, although this is less clear in the document), and is a simple matter of common sense. Given that there is a general shortage of skills in procurement across the economy, if a part of the public sector invests in training in a context where retention is an issue, then it is simply cross-subsidising other parts of the public sector or, more likely, the private sector. Again, this is an endemic problem that has affected countries with strong systems of training of their public service and judicature (such as Spain) and the only way of trying to contain it is to impose statutory or contractual obligations to stay in post (not a great incentive, as demonstrated by levels of turnaround of employees having completed CIPS training in UK institutions) or to improve the working conditions (and pay) of highly skilled individuals (which is really difficult to do in an austerity context and, given what I mentioned above, the difficulty of making ‘exceptions’ for procurement).

(3) Increasingly complex systems and sophisticated procurement do not require ‘super-procurers’ but rather ‘teams of procurers’

In simple terms, the entire recommendation on professionalization is premised on the basis that, if sufficiently skilled/educated, individuals can carry out complex procurement satisfactorily on their own. While I will be the first to submit that an overall understanding of procurement processes and the business context in which it takes places is necessary, I do not think that sophisticated procurement (eg projects including elements of innovation or sustainability, or negotiations, or complex goods or services, or infrastructure …) can be carried out by individuals, however skilled. More and more, it is necessary to think along the lines of teams with complementary and interdisciplinary expertise. There is no such thing as a ‘super-procurer’, and the Commission and the Member States would be foolish to try to find her (or educate her). In that regard, if there are competency schemes that require developing (which is a big if), they should not be premised on individuality, but rather on team work and collaborative approaches. This will mean that teams of engineers (or technical personnel), economists and lawyers will need to be put together so that they can complement each. Some training to give them an overall understanding of what they are collectively doing will be necessary and helpful, but that is a long way away from expecting them to each master a sufficiently advanced knowledge of law, economics and technology.

(4) Language is a very relevant barrier, both for advocacy/ awareness efforts and cross-learning

The recommendation on professionalisation also ignores the fact that learning from others’ experiences and using others’ documents (technical, guidance or advocacy documents) requires, amongst other things, a sufficient knowledge of other languages—which are not necessarily English. There are very clear examples, such as the French vademecum (example No 55) or the Greek bid rigging guidelines (example No 53), which will be completely incomprehensible for a large part of the procurement taskforce of any given Member State. This will create difficulties more generally in any cross-border initiative, and can end up creating inadvertent language barriers and/or facilitating the prominence (if not imperialism) of practices created in native English-speaking jurisdictions, which is not necessarily a guarantee of success.

(5) The Commission cannot pass on to Member States the hot potato of issuing procurement guidance

The recommendation on professionalisation repeatedly stresses the need for Member States to provide guidance (see in particular recommendation 8), thus expecting them to ‘give legal certainty on EU and national law or requirements stemming from the EU’s international obligations’. Not to be blunt, but this is risible. The Commission, having so far been so reluctant and slow in issuing any guidance on the novelties of the 2014 Public Procurement Package, can hardly expect Member States to be in a better position to do so. And, even if that was the case, having each Member State issue its own guidance, based on its own interpretation of EU law and the requirements stemming from the EU’s international obligations is a recipe for contradictions and further legal uncertainty. This is precisely an area where the Commission has both a better position to issue guidance and (hopefully, at least) the relevant expertise. Of course, the Commission has included some soft promises for guidance as part of the broader October 2017 package (on green and innovative procurement, and remedies, which we will discuss in due course), but it would have been well-advised to refrain from recommending Member States to fill in the gap (even if only temporarily).

(6) Any initiatives will not be implemented in the vacuum or in a blank slate, which requires both consideration of change management and competition neutrality

The recommendation on professionalization does not take into account that in different Member States, there will be different structures in place (eg universities, private firms) offering capacity and training services, as well as consultancy services aimed at closing skills gaps, in particular in relation to complex procurement (law firms, consultancies, etc). There is a strong push, although rather implicit, for the public sector to create its own ‘knowledge centres’ and use them to offer the same type of services across the public sector. In particular, there is a repeated suggestion that CPBs can be in a good position to do so. Such recommendation ignores the fact that there will be issues of competition neutrality involved in such a practice (for example, the growing consultancy business of CPBs such as Hansel in Finland), which merits separate discussion at some other time. It also ignores that there can be difficulties around managing change where ‘new’ professionalisation and training initiatives are meant to replace previous structures. All of this could (and should) be addressed more explicitly in the recommendation. It is to be welcome that the Commission explicitly excludes the creation of ‘professional bodies’ in procurement, but this is only one of the potential negative impacts of the suggestions included in the recommendation from a competition perspective. Where Member States create semi-markets or public provision in liberalised (training and education) markets, a much more in-depth and careful assessment will be necessary.

Overall assessment

I think that, for the reasons discussed here and in Pedro’s post (some of which, clearly, overlap), it is highly unlikely that, however well-intended, the recommendation on professionalization can catalyse a significant change at Member State level. It also masks a significant number of issues that have very limited to do with professionalisation and training, such as sustainable procurement, e-procurement or the fight against corruption, but I will save my comments on that for some other time. In my view, even if marginal improvements can result from Member States efforts as a result of these recommendations—particularly for those that build on a lower capability level—changes will be constrained due to budgetary and resource restrictions, language issues and inability (or unsuitability) to offer proper guidance. Rather than having the Commission engage in this type of ‘human resources consultancy’ activities, I would have it dedicate whatever resources it could muster to provide effective guidance and, where possible, to provide financial and logistic support to Member States.