Digital procurement, PPDS and multi-speed datafication -- some thoughts on the March 2023 PPDS Communication

The 2020 European strategy for data ear-marked public procurement as a high priority area for the development of common European data spaces for public administrations. The 2020 data strategy stressed that

Public procurement data are essential to improve transparency and accountability of public spending, fighting corruption and improving spending quality. Public procurement data is spread over several systems in the Member States, made available in different formats and is not easily possible to use for policy purposes in real-time. In many cases, the data quality needs to be improved.

To address those issues, the European Commission was planning to ‘Elaborate a data initiative for public procurement data covering both the EU dimension (EU datasets, such as TED) and the national ones’ by the end of 2020, which would be ‘complemented by a procurement data governance framework’ by mid 2021.

With a 2+ year delay, details for the creation of the public procurement data space (PPDS) were disclosed by the European Commission on 16 March 2023 in the PPDS Communication. The procurement data governance framework is now planned to be developed in the second half of 2023.

In this blog post, I offer some thoughts on the PPDS, its functional goals, likely effects, and the quickly closing window of opportunity for Member States to support its feasibility through an ambitious implementation of the new procurement eForms at domestic level (on which see earlier thoughts here).

1. The PPDS Communication and its goals

The PPDS Communication sets some lofty ambitions aligned with those of the closely-related process of procurement digitalisation, which the European Commission in its 2017 Making Procurement Work In and For Europe Communication already saw as not only an opportunity ‘to streamline and simplify the procurement process’, but also ‘to rethink fundamentally the way public procurement, and relevant parts of public administrations, are organised … [to seize] a unique chance to reshape the relevant systems and achieve a digital transformation’ (at 11-12).

Following the same rhetoric of transformation, the PPDS Communication now stresses that ‘Integrated data combined with the use of state-of the-art and emerging analytics technologies will not only transform public procurement, but also give new and valuable insights to public buyers, policy-makers, businesses and interested citizens alike‘ (at 2). It goes further to suggest that ‘given the high number of ecosystems concerned by public procurement and the amount of data to be analysed, the impact of AI in this field has a potential that we can only see a glimpse of so far‘ (at 2).

The PPDS Communication claims that this data space ‘will revolutionise the access to and use of public procurement data:

• It will create a platform at EU level to access for the first time public procurement data scattered so far at EU, national and regional level.

• It will considerably improve data quality, availability and completeness, through close cooperation between the Commission and Member States and the introduction of the new eForms, which will allow public buyers to provide information in a more structured way.

• This wealth of data will be combined with an analytics toolset including advanced technologies such as Artificial Intelligence (AI), for example in the form of Machine Learning (ML) and Natural Language Processing (NLP).’

A first comment or observation is that this rhetoric of transformation and revolution not only tends to create excessive expectations on what can realistically be delivered by the PPDS, but can also further fuel the ‘policy irresistibility’ of procurement digitalisation and thus eg generate excessive experimentation or investment into the deployment of digital technologies on the basis of such expectations around data access through PPDS (for discussion, see here). Policy-makers would do well to hold off on any investments and pilot projects seeking to exploit the data presumptively pooled in the PPDS until after its implementation. A closer look at the PPDS and the significant roadblocks towards its full implementation will shed further light on this issue.

2. What is the PPDS?

Put simply, the PPDS is a project to create a single data platform to bring into one place ‘all procurement data’ from across the EU—ie both data on above threshold contracts subjected to mandatory EU-wide publication through TED (via eForms from October 2023), and data on below threshold contracts, which publication may be required by the domestic laws of the Member States, or entirely voluntary for contracting authorities.

Given that above threshold procurement data is already (in the process of being) captured at EU level, the PPDS is very much about data on procurement not covered by the EU rules—which represents 80% of all public procurement contracts. As the PPDS Communication stresses

To unlock the full potential of public procurement, access to data and the ability to analyse it are essential. However, data from only 20% of all call for tenders as submitted by public buyers is available and searchable for analysis in one place [ie TED]. The remaining 80% are spread, in different formats, at national or regional level and difficult or impossible to re-use for policy, transparency and better spending purposes. In order (sic) words, public procurement is rich in data, but poor in making it work for taxpayers, policy makers and public buyers.

The PPDS thus intends to develop a ‘technical fix’ to gain a view on the below-threshold reality of procurement across the EU, by ‘pulling and pooling’ data from existing (and to be developed) domestic public contract registers and transparency portals. The PPDS is thus a mechanism for the aggregation of procurement data currently not available in (harmonised) machine-readable and structured formats (or at all).

As the PPDS Communication makes clear, it consists of four layers:
(1) A user interface layer (ie a website and/or app) underpinned by
(2) an analytics layer, which in turn is underpinned by (3) an integration layer that brings together and minimally quality-assures the (4) data layer sourced from TED, Member State public contract registers (including those at sub-national level), and data from other sources (eg data on beneficial ownership).

The two top layers condense all potential advantages of the PPDS, with the analytics layer seeking to develop a ‘toolset including emerging technologies (AI, ML and NLP)‘ to extract data insights for a multiplicity of purposes (see below 3), and the top user interface seeking to facilitate differential data access for different types of users and stakeholders (see below 4). The two bottom layers, and in particular the data layer, are the ones doing all the heavy lifting. Unavoidably, without data, the PPDS risks being little more than an empty shell. As always, ‘no data, no fun’ (see below 5).

Importantly, the top three layers are centralised and the European Commission has responsibility (and funding) for developing them, while the bottom data layer is decentralised, with each Member State retaining responsibility for digitalising its public procurement systems and connecting its data sources to the PPDS. Member States are also expected to bear their own costs, although there is EU funding available through different mechanisms. This allocation of responsibilities follows the limited competence of the EU in this area of inter-administrative cooperation, which unfortunately heightens the risks of the PPDS becoming little more than an empty shell, unless Member States really take the implementation of eForms and the collaborative approach to the construction of the PPDS seriously (see below 6).

The PPDS Communication foresees a progressive implementation of the PPDS, with the goal of having ‘the basic architecture and analytics toolkit in place and procurement data published at EU level available in the system by mid-2023. By the end of 2024, all participating national publication portals would be connected, historic data published at EU level integrated and the analytics toolkit expanded. As of 2025, the system could establish links with additional external data sources’ (at 2). It will most likely be delayed, but that is not very important in the long run—especially as the already accrued delays are the ones that pose a significant limitation on the adequate rollout of the PPDS (see below 6).

3. PPDS’ expected functionality

The PPDS Communication sets expectations around the functionality that could be extracted from the PPDS by different agents and stakeholders.

For public buyers, in addition to reducing the burden of complying with different types of (EU-mandated) reporting, the PPDS Communication expects that ‘insights gained from the PPDS will make it much easier for public buyers to

• team up and buy in bulk to obtain better prices and higher quality;

• generate more bids per call for tenders by making calls more attractive for bidders, especially for SMEs and start-ups;

• fight collusion and corruption, as well as other criminal acts, by detecting suspicious patterns;

• benchmark themselves more accurately against their peers and exchange knowledge, for instance with the aim of procuring more green, social and innovative products and services;

• through the further digitalisation and emerging technologies that it brings about, automate tasks, bringing about considerable operational savings’ (at 2).

This largely maps onto my analysis of likely applications of digital technologies for procurement management, assuming the data is there (see here).

The PPDS Communication also expects that policy-makers will ‘gain a wealth of insights that will enable them to predict future trends‘; that economic operators, and SMEs in particular, ‘will have an easy-to-use portal that gives them access to a much greater number of open call for tenders with better data quality‘, and that ‘Citizens, civil society, taxpayers and other interested stakeholders will have access to much more public procurement data than before, thereby improving transparency and accountability of public spending‘ (at 2).

Of all the expected benefits or functionalities, the most important ones are those attributed to public buyers and, in particular, the possibility of developing ‘category management’ insights (eg potential savings or benchmarking), systems of red flags in relation to corruption and collusion risks, and the automation of some tasks. However, unlocking most of these functionalities is not dependent on the PPDS, but rather on the existence of procurement data at the ‘right’ level.

For example, category management or benchmarking may be more relevant or adequate (as well as more feasible) at national than at supra-national level, and the development of systems of red flags can also take place at below-EU level, as can automation. Importantly, the development of such functionalities using pan-EU data, or data concerning more than one Member State, could bias the tools in a way that makes them less suited, or unsuitable, for deployment at national level (eg if the AI is trained on data concerning solely jurisdictions other than the one where it would be deployed).

In that regard, the expected functionalities arising from PPDS require some further thought and it can well be that, depending on implementation (in particular in relation to multi-speed datafication, as below 5), Member States are better off solely using domestic data than that coming from the PPDS. This is to say that PPDS is not a solid reality and that its enabling character will fluctuate with its implementation.

4. Differential procurement data access through PPDS

As mentioned above, the PPDS Communication stresses that ‘Citizens, civil society, taxpayers and other interested stakeholders will have access to much more public procurement data than before, thereby improving transparency and accountability of public spending’ (at 2). However, this does not mean that the PPDS will be (entirely) open data.

The Communication itself makes clear that ‘Different user categories (e.g. Member States, public buyers, businesses, citizens, NGOs, journalists and researchers) will have different access rights, distinguishing between public and non-public data and between participating Member States that share their data with the PPDS (PPDS members, …) and those that need more time to prepare’ (at 8). Relatedly, ‘PPDS members will have access to data which is available within the PPDS. However, even those Member States that are not yet ready to participate in the PPDS stand to benefit from implementing the principles below, due to their value for operational efficiency and preparing for a more evidence-based policy’ (at 9). This raises two issues.

First, and rightly, the Communication makes clear that the PPDS moves away from a model of ‘fully open’ or ‘open by default’ procurement data, and that access to the PPDS will require differential permissioning. This is the correct approach. Regardless of the future procurement data governance framework, it is clear that the emerging thicket of EU data governance rules ‘requires the careful management of a system of multi-tiered access to different types of information at different times, by different stakeholders and under different conditions’ (see here). This will however raise significant issues for the implementation of the PPDS, as it will generate some constraints or disincentives for an ambitions implementation of eForms at national level (see below 6).

Second, and less clearly, the PPDS Communication evidences that not all Member States will automatically have equal access to PPDS data. The design seems to be such that Member States that do not feed data into PPDS will not have access to it. While this could be conceived as an incentive for all Member States to join PPDS, this outcome is by no means guaranteed. As above (3), it is not clear that Member States will be better off—in terms of their ability to extract data insights or to deploy digital technologies—by having access to pan-EU data. The main benefit resulting from pan-EU data only accrues collectively and, primarily, by means of facilitating oversight and enforcement by the European Commission. From that perspective, the incentives for PPDS participation for any given Member State may be quite warped or internally contradictory.

Moreover, given that plugging into PPDS is not cost-free, a Member State that developed a data architecture not immediately compatible with PPDS may well wonder whether it made sense to shoulder the additional costs and risks. From that perspective, it can only be hoped that the existence of EU funding and technical support will be maximised by the European Commission to offload that burden from the (reluctant) Member States. However, even then, full PPDS participation by all Member States will still not dispel the risk of multi-speed datafication.

5. No data, no fun — and multi-speed datafication

Related to the risk that some EU Member States will become PPDS members and others not, there is a risk (or rather, a reality) that not all PPDS members will equally contribute data—thus creating multi-speed datafication, even within the Member States that opt in to the PPDS.

First, the PPDS Communication makes it clear that ‘Member States will remain in control over which data they wish to share with the PPDS (beyond the data that must be published on TED under the Public Procurement Directives)‘ (at 7), It further specifies that ‘With the eForms, it will be possible for the first time to provide data in notices that should not be published, or not immediately. This is important to give assurance to public buyers that certain data is not made publicly available or not before a certain point in time (e.g. prices)’ (at 7, fn 17).

This means that each Member State will only have to plug whichever data it captures and decides to share into PPDS. It seems plain to see that this will result in different approaches to data capture, multiple levels of granularity, and varying approaches to restricting access to the date in the different Member States, especially bearing in mind that ‘eForms are not an “off the shelf” product that can be implemented only by IT developers. Instead, before developers start working, procurement policy decision-makers have to make a wide range of policy decisions on how eForms should be implemented’ in the different Member States (see eForms Implementation Handbook, at 9).

Second, the PPDS Communication is clear (in a footnote) that ‘One of the conditions for a successful establishment of the PPDS is that Member States put in place automatic data capture mechanisms, in a first step transmitting data from their national portals and contract registers’ (at 4, fn 10). This implies that Member States may need to move away from manually inputted information and that those seeking to create new mechanisms for automatic procurement data capture can take an incremental approach, which is very much baked into the PPDS design. This relates, for example, to the distinction between pre- and post-award procurement data, with pre-award data subjected to higher demands under EU law. It also relates to above and below threshold data, as only above threshold data is subjected to mandatory eForms compliance.

In the end, the extent to which a (willing) Member State will contribute data to the PPDS depends on its decisions on eForms implementation, which should be well underway given the October 2023 deadline for mandatory use (for above threshold contracts). Crucially, Member States contributing more data may feel let down when no comparable data is contributed to PPDS by other Member States, which can well operate as a disincentive to contribute any further data, rather than as an incentive for the others to match up that data.

6. Ambitious eForms implementation as the PPDS’ Achilles heel

As the analysis above has shown, the viability of the PPDS and its fitness for purpose (especially for EU-level oversight and enforcement purposes) crucially depends on the Member States deciding to take an ambitious approach to the implementation of eForms, not solely by maximising their flexibility for voluntary uses (as discussed here) but, crucially, by extending their mandatory use (under national law) to all below threshold procurement. It is now also clear that there is a need for as much homogeneity as possible in the implementation of eForms in order to guarantee that the information plugged into PPDS is comparable—which is an aspect of data quality that the PPDS Communication does not seem to have at all considered).

It seems that, due to competing timings, this poses a bit of a problem for the rollout of the PPDS. While eForms need to be fully implemented domestically by October 2023, the PPDS Communication suggests that the connection of national portals will be a matter for 2024, as the first part of the project will concern the top two layers and data connection will follow (or, at best, be developed in parallel). Somehow, it feels like the PPDS is being built without a strong enough foundation. It would be a shame (to put it mildly) if Member States having completed a transition to eForms by October 2023 were dissuaded from a second transition into a more ambitious eForms implementation in 2024 for the purposes of the PPDS.

Given that the most likely approach to eForms implementation is rather minimalistic, it can well be that the PPDS results in not much more than an empty shell with fancy digital analytics limited to very superficial uses. In that regard, the two-year delay in progressing the PPDS has created a very narrow (and quickly dwindling) window of opportunity for Member States to engage with an ambitions process of eForms implementation

7. Final thoughts

It seems to me that limited and slow progress will be attained under the PPDS in coming years. Given the undoubted value of harnessing procurement data, I sense that Member States will progress domestically, but primarily in specific settings such as that of their central purchasing bodies (see here). However, whether they will be onboarded into PPDS as enthusiastic members seems less likely.

The scenario seems to resemble limited voluntary cooperation in other areas (eg interoperability; for discussion see here). It may well be that the logic of EU competence allocation required this tentative step as a first move towards a more robust and proactive approach by the Commission in a few years, on grounds that the goal of creating the European data space could not be achieved through this less interventionist approach.

However, given the speed at which digital transformation could take place (and is taking place in some parts of the EU), and the rhetoric of transformation and revolution that keeps being used in this policy area, I can’t but feel let down by the approach in the PPDS Communication, which started with the decision to build the eForms on the existing regulatory framework, rather than more boldly seeking a reform of the EU procurement rules to facilitate their digital fitness.

New CJEU case law against excessive disclosure: quid de open data? (C‑54/21, and joined C‑37/20 and C‑601/20)

In the last few days, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) has delivered two judgments imposing significant limitations on the systematic, unlimited disclosure of procurement information with commercial value, such as the identity of experts and subcontractors engaged by tenderers for public contracts; and beneficial ownership information. In imposing a nuanced approach to the disclosure of such information, the CJEU may have torpedoed ‘full transparency’ approaches to procurement and beneficial ownership open data.

Indeed, these are two classes of information at the core of current open data efforts, and they are relevant for (digital) procurement governance—in particular in relation to the prevention of corruption and collusion, which automated screening requires establishing relationships and assessing patterns of interaction reliant on such data [for discussion, see A Sanchez-Graells, ‘Procurement Corruption and Artificial Intelligence: Between the Potential of Enabling Data Architectures and the Constraints of Due Process Requirements’ in S Williams & J Tillipman (eds), Routledge Handbook of Public Procurement Corruption (forthcoming)]. The judgments can thus have important implications.

In Antea Polska, the CJEU held that EU procurement rules prevent national legislation mandating all information sent by the tenderers to the contracting authorities to be published in its entirety or communicated to the other tenderers, with the sole exception of trade secrets. The CJEU reiterated that the scope of non-disclosable information is much broader and requires a case-by-case analysis by the contracting authority, in particular with a view to avoiding the release of information that could be used to distort competition. Disclosure of information needs to strike an adequate balance between meeting good administration duties to enable the right to the effective review of procurement decisions, on the one hand, and the protection of information with commercial value or with potential competition implications, on the other.

In a related fashion, in Luxembourg Business Registers, the CJEU declared invalid the provision of the Anti-Money Laundering Directive whereby Member States had to ensure that the information on the beneficial ownership of corporate and other legal entities incorporated within their territory was accessible in all cases to any member of the general public—without the need to demonstrate having a legitimate interest in accessing it. The CJEU considered that the disclosure of the information to undefined members of the public created an excessive interference with the fundamental rights to respect for private life and to the protection of personal data.

In this blog post, I analyse these two cases and reflect on their implications for the management of (big) open data for procurement governance purposes, in particular from an anti-corruption perspective and in relation to the EU law data governance obligations incumbent on public buyers.

There is more than trade secrets to procurement confidentiality

In Antea Polska and Others (C-54/21, EU:C:2022:888), among other questions, the CJEU was asked whether Directive 2014/24/EU precludes national legislation on public procurement which required that, with the sole exception of trade secrets, information sent by the tenderers to the contracting authorities be published in its entirety or communicated to the other tenderers, and a practice on the part of contracting authorities whereby requests for confidential treatment in respect of trade secrets were accepted as a matter of course.

I will concentrate on the first part of the question on full transparency solely constrained by trade secrets—and leave the ‘countervailing’ practice aside for now (though it deserves some comment because it creates a requirement for the contracting authority to assess the commercial value of procurement information in the wider context of the activities of the participating economic operators, at paras 69-85). I will also not deal with the discrepancy between the concept of ‘trade secret’ under the Trade Secrets Directive and the concept of ‘confidential information’ in Directive 2014/24 (which the CJEU clarifies, again, at paras 51-55).

The issue of full transparency of procurement information subject only to trade secret protection raises an interesting question because it concerns the compatibility with EU law of a maximalistic approach to procurement transparency that is not peculiar to Poland (where the case originated) but shared by other Member States with a permissive tradition of access to public documents [for in-depth country-specific analyses and comparative considerations, see the contributions to K-M Halonen, R Caranta & A Sanchez-Graells, Transparency in EU Procurements. Disclosure Within Public Procurement and During Contract Execution (Edward Elgar 2019)].

The question concerns the interpretation of multiple provisions of Directive 2014/24/EU and, in particular, Art 21(1) on confidentiality and Arts 50(4) and 55(3) on the withholding of information [see my comments to Art 21 and 55 in R Caranta & A Sanchez-Graells, European Public Procurement. Commentary on Directive 2014/24/EU (Edward Elgar 2021)]. All of them are of course to be interpreted in line with the general principle of competition in Art 18(1) [see A Sanchez-Graells, Public Procurement and the EU Competition Rules (2nd edn, hart 2015) 444-445].

In addressing the question, the CJEU built on its recent judgment in Klaipėdos regiono atliekų tvarkymo centras (C‑927/19, EU:C:2021:700), and reiterated its general approach to the protection of confidential information in procurement procedures:

‘… the principal objective of the EU rules on public procurement is to ensure undistorted competition … to achieve that objective, it is important that the contracting authorities do not release information relating to public procurement procedures which could be used to distort competition, whether in an ongoing procurement procedure or in subsequent procedures. Since public procurement procedures are founded on a relationship of trust between the contracting authorities and participating economic operators, those operators must be able to communicate any relevant information to the contracting authorities in such a procedure, without fear that the authorities will communicate to third parties items of information whose disclosure could be damaging to those operators’ (C-54/21, para 49, reference omitted, emphasis added).

The CJEU linked this interpretation to the prohibition for contracting authorities to disclose information forwarded to it by economic operators which they have designated as confidential [Art 21(1) Dir 2014/24] and stressed that this had to be reconciled with the requirements of effective judicial protection and, in particular, the general principle of good administration, from which the obligation to state reasons stems because ‘in the absence of sufficient information enabling it to ascertain whether the decision of the contracting authority to award the contract is vitiated by errors or unlawfulness, an unsuccessful tenderer will not, in practice, be able to rely on its right .. to an effective review’ (C-54/21, para 50).

The Court also stressed that the Directive allows Member States to modulate the scope of the protection of confidential information in accordance with their national legislation, in particular legislation concerning access to information [Art 21(1) Dir 2014/24, C-54/21, para 56]. In that regard, however, the CJEU went on to stress that

‘… if the effectiveness of EU law is not to be undermined, the Member States, when exercising the discretion conferred on them by Article 21(1) of that directive, must refrain from introducing regimes … which undermine the balancing exercise [with the right to an effective review] or which alter the regime relating to the publicising of awarded contracts and the rules relating to information to candidates and tenderers set out in Article 50 and 55 of that directive … any regime relating to confidentiality must, as Article 21(1) of Directive 2014/24 expressly states, be without prejudice to the abovementioned regime and to those rules laid down in Articles 50 and 55 of that directive’ (C-54/21, para 58-59).

Focusing on Art 50(4) and Art 55(3) of Directive 2014/24/EU, the CJEU stressed that these provisions empower contracting authorities to withhold from general publication and from disclosure to other candidates and tenderers ‘certain information, where its release would impede law enforcement, would otherwise be contrary to the public interest or would prejudice the legitimate commercial interests of an economic operator or might prejudice fair competition’ (para 61 and, almost identically, para 60). This led the Court to the conclusion that

‘National legislation which requires publicising of any information which has been communicated to the contracting authority by all tenderers, including the successful tenderer, with the sole exception of information covered by the concept of trade secrets, is liable to prevent the contracting authority, contrary to what Articles 50(4) and 55(3) of Directive 2014/24 permit, from deciding not to disclose certain information pursuant to interests or objectives mentioned in those provisions, where that information does not fall within that concept of a trade secret.

Consequently, Article 21(1) of Directive 2014/24, read in conjunction with Articles 50 and 55 of that directive … precludes such a regime where it does not contain an adequate set of rules allowing contracting authorities, in circumstances where Articles 50 and 55 apply, exceptionally to refuse to disclose information which, while not covered by the concept of trade secrets, must remain inaccessible pursuant to an interest or objective referred to in Articles 50 and 55’ (paras 62-63).

In my view, this is the correct interpretation and an important application of the rules seeking to minimise the risk of distortions of competition due to excessive procurement transparency, on which I have been writing for a long time [see also K-M Halonen, ‘Disclosure rules in EU public procurement: balancing between competition and transparency’ (2016) 16(4) Journal of Public Procurement 528].

The Antea Polska judgment stresses the importance of developing a nuanced approach to the management, restricted disclosure and broader publication of information submitted to the contracting authority in a procurement procedure. Notably, this will create particular complications in the context of the design and rollout of procurement open data, especially in the context of the new eForms (see here, and below).

Transparency for what? Who really cares about beneficial ownership?

In Luxembourg Business Registers (joined cases C‑37/20 and C‑601/20, EU:C:2022:912, FR only—see EN press release on which I rely to avoid extensive own translations from French) the CJEU was asked to rule on the compatibility with the Charter of Fundamental Rights—and in particular Articles 7 (respect for private and family life) and 8 (protection of personal data)—of Article 30(5)(c) of the consolidated version of the Anti-Money Laundering Directive (AML Directive), which required Member States to ensure that information on the beneficial ownership of corporate and other legal entities incorporated within their territory is accessible in all cases to any member of the general public. In particular, members of the general public had to ‘be permitted to access at least the name, the month and year of birth and the country of residence and nationality of the beneficial owner as well as the nature and extent of the beneficial interest held.’

The CJEU has found that the general public’s access to information on beneficial ownership constitutes a serious interference with the fundamental rights to respect for private life and to the protection of personal data, which is exacerbated by the fact that, once those data have been made available to the general public, they can not only be freely consulted, but also retained and disseminated.

While the CJEU recognised that the AML Directive pursues an objective of general interest and that the general public’s access to information on beneficial ownership is appropriate for contributing to the attainment of that objective, the interference with individual fundamental rights is neither limited to what is strictly necessary nor proportionate to the objective pursued.

The Court paid special attention to the fact that the rules requiring unrestricted public access to the information result from a modification of the previous regime in the original AML Directive, which required, in addition to access by the competent authorities and certain entities, for access by any person or organisation capable of demonstrating a legitimate interest. The Court considered that the suppression of the requirement to demonstrate a legitimate interest in accessing the information did not generate sufficient benefits from the perspective of combating money laundering and terrorist financing to offset the significantly more serious interference with fundamental rights that open publication of the beneficial ownership data entails.

Here, the Court referred to its judgment in Vyriausioji tarnybinės etikos komisija (C‑184/20, EU:C:2022:601), where it carried out a functional comparison of the anti-corruption effects of a permissioned system of institutional access and control of relevant disclosures, versus public access to that information. The Court was clear that

‘… the publication online of the majority of the personal data contained in the declaration of private interests of any head of an establishment receiving public funds … does not meet the requirements of a proper balance. In comparison with an obligation to declare coupled with a check of the declaration’s content by the Chief Ethics Commission … such publication amounts to a considerably more serious interference with the fundamental rights guaranteed in Articles 7 and 8 of the Charter, without that increased interference being capable of being offset by any benefits which might result from publication of all those data for the purpose of preventing conflicts of interest and combating corruption’ (C-184/20, para 112).

In Luxembourg Business Registers, the CJEU also held that the optional provisions in Art 30 AML Directive that allowed Member States to make information on beneficial ownership available on condition of online registration and to provide, in exceptional circumstances, for an exemption from access to that information by the general public, were not, in themselves, capable of demonstrating either a proper balance between competing interests, or the existence of sufficient safeguards.

The implication of the Luxembourg Business Registers is that a different approach to facilitating access to beneficial ownership data is required, and that an element of case-by-case assessment (or at least of an assessment based on categories of organisations and individuals seeking access) will need to be brought back into the system. In other words, permissioned access to beneficial ownership data seems unavoidable.

Implications for open data and data governance

These recent CJEU judgments seem to me to clearly establish the general principle that unlimited transparency does not equate public interest, as there is also an interest in preserving the (relative) confidentiality of some information and data and an adequate, difficult balance needs to be struck. The interests in competition with transparency can be either individual (fundamental rights, or commercial value) or collective (avoidance of distortions of competition). Detailed and comprehensive assessment on a case-by-case basis is required.

As I advocated long ago, and recently reiterated in relation to the growing set of data governance obligations incumbent on public buyers, under EU law,

‘It is thus simply not possible to create a system that makes all procurement data open. Data governance requires the careful management of a system of multi-tiered access to different types of information at different times, by different stakeholders and under different conditions. While the need to balance procurement transparency and the protection of data subject to the rights of others and competition-sensitive data is not a new governance challenge, the digital management of this information creates heightened risks to the extent that the implementation of data management solutions is tendentially ‘open access’ (and could eg reverse presumptions of confidentiality), as well as in relation to system integrity risks (ie cybersecurity)’ (at 10, references omitted).

The CJEU judgments have (re)confirmed that unlimited ‘open access’ is not a viable strategy under EU law. It is perhaps clearer than ever that the capture, structuring, retention, and disclosure of governance-relevant procurement and related data (eg beneficial ownership) needs to be decoupled from its proactive publication. This requires a reconsideration of the open data model and, in particular, a careful assessment of the implementation of the new eForms that only just entered into force.

Interesting paper on effects of open procurement data on outcomes: Duguay, Rauter & Samuels (2019)

A recently published working paper has assessed the impact of increased availability of procurement data on competition for public contracts and on procurement outcomes in the EU context: R Duguay, T Rauter & D Samuels, ‘The Impact of Open Data on Public Procurement’ (November 22, 2019).

Duguay, Rauter & Samuels concentrate on the increased availability of TED data in a (more) user-friendly format in July 2015 (when the data started being available for a bulk download on CSV format) to assess the effects that easier access to procurement data has on the functioning of procurement markets and on procurement outcomes. The paper is very interesting and their results are quite striking.

However, it is important to stress the important caveat that their analysis is still based on TED data and, thus, potentially affected by the quality shortcomings of that data. As mentioned in other occasions, the TED database has problems because it is constructed as a result of the self-declaration of data by the contracting authorities of the Member States, which makes its content very inhomogeneous and difficult to analyse, including significant problems of under-inclusiveness, definitional fuzziness and the lack of filtering of errors—as recognised, repeatedly, in the methodology underpinning the SMSPP itself (see here and here).

With that in mind, however, it is interesting to look closely at their findings.

A seemingly striking insight derived from the paper is that ‘the new European government contracting provisions have anti-competitive effects‘ (at 17). This is in the context of an analysis of the ‘likelihood that government agencies allocate public contracts through an open procedure‘ and should thus not be surprising, given the flexibilisation in the use of procedures involving negotiations. However, even with this regulatory effect, the authors find that more open data triggers more use of open procedures, in particular in EU countries with weaker institutional frameworks (at 18-19, and see below). This could be symptomatic of the fact that more complexity in procurement subjected to higher levels of transparency pushes for a risk-averse approach to procurement compliance. The same would be supported by their finding of higher levels of award of contracts on the basis of price-only award criteria (at 25, and see below).

This tension between procurement complexity and transparency is generally strongly evidenced in the paper.

On the one hand, and in line with claims of the pro-competitive nature of more openness in procurement data (note, not of more openness or transparency of contract opportunities), the authors find that

• the likelihood of competitive bidding increases sharply for TED contracts around July 2015 and that this increase persists through the end of our sample period [ie to the end of 2018] (at 18);

• open procurement data leads government officials to implement more competitive bidding processes [ie open procedures], and that this increase in competitive bidding is driven by countries that do not have the institutions to effectively monitor public officials (at 19);

• the number of bids increases sharply for TED contracts soon after the open data initiative, and this increase persists throughout our sample period (at 20);

• public officials are 8.7 percentage points more likely to award government contracts to new vendors after the open data initiative (at 21);

• contract values fall by approximately 8% ... after the open data initiative (at 23).

On the other hand, and also in line with theoretical expectations of a degradation of procurement decisions subjected to higher levels of transparency (and the fact that this transparency does not concern contract opportunities, but more general open procurement data), the authors also find that

• [the results] are inconsistent with the idea that easier access to procurement data fosters cross-border competition throughout the European Union … open procurement data fosters local competition among vendors by reducing barriers to entry but does not promote cross-border competition across the European single market (at 22);

• after the open data initiative, the likelihood of a contract modification increases by 2.9 percentage points for contracts above TED publication thresholds (at 24);

• after the open data initiative, public officials are 38% ... more likely to award contracts above TED publication thresholds exclusively based on price (at 25);

• the performance ... is significantly worse if price was the only award criterion in the allocation decision (at 26);

• the increase in modifications is driven by contracts awarded to new government suppliers, consistent with information asymmetries contributing to the observed deterioration in contract performance. Moreover, this evidence suggests that procurement relationships before the open data initiative were not necessarily corrupt or otherwise inefficient (at 26);

• the decline in contract performance is stronger for complex procurements, consistent with project complexity exacerbating the potential allocative distortions of open procurement data (at 27).

Their overall conclusion is that

Comparing government contracts above and below EU publication thresholds, we find that increasing the public accessibility of procurement data raises the likelihood of having competitive bidding processes, increases the number of bids per contract, and facilitates market entry by new vendors. After the open data initiative, procurement prices decrease and EU government agencies are more likely to award contracts to the lowest bidder. However, the increased competition comes at the expense of lower contract performance, particularly if suppliers are new, procurement projects are complex, and contracts are awarded solely based on price.

Overall, our results suggest that open data on procurement awards facilitates competition and lowers ex-ante procurement prices, but does not necessarily increase allocative efficiency in government contracting (at 27-28, emphases added).

I find these results striking and difficult to assess from the perspective of evidence-based policy-making. There are two issues of particular concern/interest to me.

One, the finding that more availability of data does not generate more cross-border procurement, and that the push for more competitive (ie open) procedures is mostly appreciable in countries with weaker institutional frameworks. This could support the position that institutional robustness is an alternative to data transparency, which would significantly alter the prioritisation of systemic procurement reforms and take the sides of systems that favour strong institutional oversight in a context of relative opacity.

Second, that transparency exacerbates problems at execution phase, in particular in complex projects and/or projects with new suppliers. This would take the wind out of the sails of reform and policy-making approaches concentrating on perceived or apparent competition for the contract at award stage, and rather force a refocus on an analysis of procurement outcomes at the end of the relevant project. This would also side with approaches that would advocate for more robust institutional approaches to contract design and performance management, rather than relying on transparency to correct contract execution problems.

The mixed results of the paper are also interesting in the context of the long-term effect of more open procurement data on competition, as well as on cartelisation and bid rigging risks, which are not assessed in the paper.

On the round, I think that the paper offers some interesting evidence to back up that there is a need to reconsider the level of transparency given to procurement data. I do not think this should stop the development of an improved procurement data architecture in the EU. To the contrary. I think this should reignite and prioritise discussions concerning the level of disclosure or public access to that information (ie its openness), which cannot be simply assumed to be positive in what, in my view, is currently an excessively simplistic approach in leading policy-making and think tank proposals. For more (but not new) discussion, see here and here.

ECA's Special Report on access to EU Institutions' procurement: will it give a push to further reform?

On 13 July 2016, the European Court of Auditors published its Special Report No 17/2016 "The EU institutions can do more to facilitate access to their public procurement", where it examines how accessible the EU Institutions make their public contracts. I had the honour and pleasure of being invited to act as an academic expert during the preparation of this report, as well as to participate in a stakeholder meeting where the report was discussed with its main addressees, including the business community and the EU Institutions themselves. However, please note that the following only reflects my personal opinions about the report and any future developments.

To put the relevance of the report and the activities under investigation in perspective, it is worth stressing that the European Court of Auditors estimated the procurement carried out by the EU Institutions in 2014 in €4.2 bn. In particular, it is worth stressing that the European Commission manages just over €3 bn, while the Parliament and the European Central Bank manage €500 mn each, and the Council follows with more limited procurement activities of €171 mn.

These figures are important, particularly because they stress how the European Commission's procurement value exceeded that of some of the smaller Member States in 2014, such as Malta (€0.8 bn), Cyprus (€1.3 bn), Estonia (€2.5 bn) or Latvia (€2.7 bn); and the combined procurement of the EU Institutions also exceeded that carried out by Lithuania (€3.6 bn), and was very close to Bulgaria (€4.8 bn) and Slovenia (€4.9 bn). In my view, this indicates that the effects (positive or negative) of the regulation and development of public procurement by the EU Institutions should attract more attention than it usually does.

The report is generally positive on compliance issues, and it is clear that the European Court of Auditors takes no issue with the way in which the EU Institutions manage their procurement activities from a legal compliance perspective, since it found that 'the management and control arrangements were robust and reduced the risk of errors which could deter businesses from participating and prevent fair treatment'. However, the European Court of Auditors considered that the approach to procurement could be more strategic or market-oriented and, in particular, that EU Institutions could do more to facilitate SME access. 

In order to promote a more commercial approach to procurement, in particular, the European Court of Auditors included the following recommendations:

1. In order to facilitate the monitoring of the accessibility of their procurement activities, all EU institutions should collect and analyse data both on the initial number of requests to participate and offers received and the number of offers which were taken into account for the final award decision.
2. For the upcoming 2016 revision of the EU Financial Regulation the Commission should consolidate all relevant provisions into a single rulebook for public procurement. Participation of small and medium‑sized enterprises should be explicitly encouraged.
3. The EU institutions should proactively use preliminary market consultations wherever appropriate with a view to preparing the procurement and informing economic operators of their procurement plans.
4. The EU institutions should divide contracts into lots wherever possible to increase participation in their procurement procedures.
5. The EU institutions should create a common electronic one‑stop shop for their procurement activities allowing economic operators to find all relevant information in a single online location and to interact with the EU institutions through this website.
6. The Commission should propose a mechanism for a rapid review of complaints from economic operators who consider that they have been unfairly treated. Such a review should take place before economic operators may turn to the EU Ombudsman or to the EU Courts.
7. To allow effective ex post monitoring of their procurement activities the EU institutions should set up a single public repository of information related to their procurement contracts which could be developed as part of TED eTendering.
8. The European Anti‑Fraud Office OLAF should produce reports and statistics on the different types of allegations under investigation and the outcome of these investigations.
9. The EU institutions should use peer reviews for mutual learning and exchange of best practice.

Most of these recommendations are welcome and the European Court of Auditors should be encouraged to put some pressure on the EU Institutions, so that they materialise. There are, however, two recommendations that deserve some additional comments: recommendation 6 on remedies and recommendation 7 on the creation of a single public repository.

Recommendation #6 & EU Institution's resistance to facilitate review and flexible remedies

Given the reduced effectiveness of the informal resolution mechanisms provided by the European Ombudsman, which are significantly curtailed by the strictness of the procurement rules, and the cost and delay of challenging procurement decisions of the EU Institutions before the General Court (to these effects, see paras 76-88 of the report), it should come as no surprise that the European Court of Auditors recommended the creation of 'a mechanism for a rapid review of complaints from economic operators who consider that they have been unfairly treated', and that 'such a review should take place before economic operators may turn to the EU Ombudsman or to the EU Courts'.

What is more surprising, or maybe not, is that both the Council and the Parliament decided to omit this recommendation from their replies to the report, and that the Commission expressly opposed it. Indeed, in its reply to the report, the Commission indicated that

As far as the EU institutions are concerned, the Commission considers that the setting-up of a non-judicial review body, in addition to the already existing review mechanism provided for in the Financial Regulation, is neither needed nor appropriate as it would generate disproportionate costs for the benefits sought.

The Financial Regulation already provides that the unsuccessful tenderers are notified of the grounds and details reasons for their rejection and they may request additional information ... Such requests are subject to a strict deadline: the contracting authority must provide this information as soon as possible and in any case within 15 days of receiving the request.

In addition, whenever an act adversely affecting the rights of the candidates or tenderers is notified to the economic operators in the course of a procurement procedure (e.g. rejection), such notification will refer to the available means of redress (Ombudsman complaint and judicial review).

The Commission considers that the limited number of actions before the General court which dealt with procurement by the Union institutions (17) and the fact that compensation for alleged damages is rarely granted by the Court are strong indicators that the system in place is efficient and fit for purpose. Hence, the setting up of the suggested rapid review is not only not needed but it would also represent a disproportionate measure, not in line with cost-efficiency and not a good use of administrative resources (reply to point 78 of the report, emphasis added).

This is surprising because the European Commission does not seem willing to apply to its own procurement activities the standards of independent review that it promotes for Member States. In my opinion, a domestic system could not avoid a serious investigation on the effectiveness of its procurement remedies system with the argument that there are very few cases and those are unsuccessful, not least because the general principle of EU law that requires effectiveness of remedies ultimately requires that the available remedies do not make it practically impossible to claim the corresponding EU rights, which could be the case here.

When the procurement cases in front of the General Court last on average 35 months (see para 82 of the report) and the cost of litigation at the highest EU level is taken into consideration, one should not be too ready to accept the Commission's submission that the reduced number of such cases indicates the lack of need for more accessible, speedier and more effective review mechanisms. Moreover, the creation of such an alternative mechanism could also contribute to reduce the pressures on the General Court's procurement docket and, in general, facilitate specialisation and more flexibility in the resolution of conflicts.

Thus, the blanket rejection of the recommendation by the Commission seems to require some rethinking, and it would seem advisable to explore suitable alternatives, such as the creation of a procurement review agency, the submission of the procurement of the EU Institutions to the procurement remedies system of the relevant Member State, or some other similar option--including the possibility of creating a specialised chamber within the General Court, although this is an unlikely option for reasons that would take us too far from the discussion.

It is also important to stress that the creation of robust remedies mechanisms in public procurement (and in other areas of EU economic law) is not solely for the benefit of undertakings that partake in those procedures, but in the ultimate benefit of the taxpayer and society at large. In the case of procurement, if potential suppliers do not consider that they have a fair chance of protecting their interests, they will refrain from making investments in the submission of tenders. Such reduction of competition for public contracts carries an important implicit cost. Thus, aiming to save on direct administrative costs may well be self-defeating if this results in much larger shadow or indirect costs. This is not to mean that remedies should be promoted beyond the point necessary to ensure the integrity and probity of the procurement process, or that (generous or disproportionate) damages claims are the best way to ensure those remedies. What seems clear to me is that the issue of public procurement remedies under EU law requires further research and thought, and most certainly legal reform to adapt the existing system to the reforms of the 2014 Public Procurement Package. In that regard, it seems desirable for the Commission to carry on with the (seemingly abandoned) review of the Remedies Directive--and that such would be the ideal occasion to include the issue of remedies in the setting of EU Institutions' procurement in the proper considerations.

Recommendation #7 & risk of excessive procurement transparency

The second recommendation that deserves some comments is number 7, whereby the European Court of Auditors recommended that, in order to 'allow effective ex post monitoring of their procurement activities the EU institutions should set up a single public repository of information related to their procurement contracts'.

This raises, once more, the very tricky issue of the appropriate level of transparency of public procurement procedures and their outcomes, and the undesirable (unforeseen) effects that it can create. There is no doubt that the European Court of Auditors, like any audit body at national or international level, requires this information in order to discharge its functions. However, it is far from clear that there is a positive value in publishing all this information. While making this information public could contribute to some aspects of public governance (such as NGO and press scrutiny of these activities), it is by no means less clear that creating excessive transparency would contribute to anti-competitive strategies and potentially result in the cartelisation of public procurement markets.

In that regard, I would reiterate once more the need for a more nuanced approach to the compilation and publication of this type of information. 
As a functional criterion, only the information that is necessary to ensure proper oversight and the effectiveness of anti-corruption measures should be disclosed, whereas the information that can be most damaging for competition should be withheld. 

Generally, what is needed is more granularity in the levels of information that are made accessible to different stakeholders. The full transparency approach implicit in recommendation 7 of the European Court of Auditors' report, whereby all information is made available to everyone via a public registry or repository, falls very short from the desired balance between transparency and competition goals of public procurement. A system based on enabling or targeted transparency, whereby each stakeholder gets access to the information it needs for a specific purpose, is clearly preferable.

In more specific terms, the following normative recommendations should be subjected to further discussion in the roll-out of recommendation #7. They are by no means exhaustive and simply aim to specify the sort of nuanced approach to disclosure of public procurement information that is hereby advocated.

• Public contract registers should not be fully available to the public. Access to the full registry should be restricted to public sector officials under a strong duty of confidentiality protected by appropriate sanctions in cases of illegitimate disclosure.
• Even within the public sector, access to the full register should be made available on a need to know basis. Oversight entities, such as the audit court or the competition authority, should have full access. However, other entities or specific civil servants should only access the information they require to carry out their functions.
• Limited versions of the public contract registry that are made accessible to the public should aggregate information by contracting authority and avoid disclosing any particulars that could be traced back to specific tenders or specific undertakings.
• Representative institutions, such as third sector organisations, or academics should have the opportunity of seeking access to the full registry on a case by case basis where they can justify a legitimate or research-related interest. In case of access, ethical approval shall be obtained, anonymization of data attempted, and specific confidentiality requirements duly imposed.
• Delayed access to the full public registry could also be allowed for, provided there are sufficient safeguards to ensure that historic information does not remain relevant for the purposes of protecting market competition, business secrets and commercial interests.
• Tenderers should have access to their own records, even if they are not publicly-available, so as to enable them to check their accuracy. This is particularly relevant if public contract registries are used for the purposes of assessing past performance under the new rules.
• Big data should be published on an anonymised basis, so that general trends can be analysed without enabling ‘reverse engineering’ of information that can be traced to specific bidders.
• The entity in charge of the public contracts registry should regularly publish aggregated statistics by type of procurement procedure, object of contract, or any other items deemed relevant for the purposes of public accountability of public buyers (such as percentages of expenditure in green procurement, etc).
• The entity in charge of the public contracts registry should develop a system of red flag indicators and monitor them with a view to reporting instances of potential collusion to the relevant competition authority.

Study on administrative capacity to manage public procurement in the EU - some critical remarks on public procurement transparency

The European Commission has published the study 'Stock-taking of administrative capacity, systems and practices across the EU to ensure the compliance and quality of public procurement involving European Structural and Investment (ESI) Funds' (PwC, Jan 2016), which offers an interesting perspective on the existing administrative capacity to manage public procurement in the EU. In its own terms, '[the] study offers a unique and unprecedented overview of the current state of administrative capacity in the field of public procurement in the EU with a special focus on the implementation of the European Structural and Investment (ESI) Funds. It looks at the systems and structures in the individual Member States and provides valuable information as to how to improve the quality of public procurement and ensure more efficiency, transparency and regularity, in line with the Investment Plan for Europe and the EU budget focused on results initiative'.

The study has country-specific profiles with 'recommendations regarding specific needs identified in the 28 Member States and the areas where they could improve performance and effectiveness of public procurement benefiting from the cases of good practice contained in the study'. Such recommendations build up on a general section on 'good practices', where the study focuses on  seven categories of issues that PwC considers relevant for the proper administration of a well-functioning public procurement system, including:

• Ad hoc support [to contracting authorities having issues with procurement rules or practice];
• Guidance documents for contracting authorities;
• Professionalisation of public procurement practitioners;
• Initiatives which ensure the quality of public procurement;
• Review processes;
• Measures for simplification and efficiency;
• Data monitoring and practices fostering transparency.

Some of these recommendations are already shaping EU policy in the public procurement field. In particular, the 'good practices' on ad hoc support are informing the Commission's project to set up and roll-out a 'voluntary ex ante assessment mechanism of the procurement aspects of certain large-scale infrastructure projects' (as included in the 2015 Strategy for the upgrade of the internal market), which may well result in the creation of a help-desk or hotline structured around the existing experiences in France, Slovenia, Finland of the Netherlands; see pp. 72-74 of the PwC report).

Similarly, the considerations around good practices concerning public procurement transparency (pp. 85-86) are also likely to inform the Commission's project to encourage Member States to create centralised public procurement registers as part of its commitment to pursue '[i]nitiatives for better governance of public procurement through the establishment of contract registers, improved data collection and a networking of review bodies' (as also included in the 2015 Strategy for the upgrade of the internal market; for discussion, see here and here). In that regard, it is worth looking closely at what the PwC report considers good practices in this area. According to the report,

The online publication of detailed and regularly updated public procurement data is a key component of an effective monitoring and transparency system. This can benefit to a wide range of stakeholders, from the public authorities who can use this data to monitor and evaluate their own purchasing activities to economic operators who can better assess the public sector markets. Besides, the publication of public procurement data also helps civil society groups to conduct their oversight activities on public spending.

Key success factors: Comprehensive and quality data covering various aspects of procurement (e.g. number, economic value, procedure); User-friendly and intuitive websites to easily access the data; Data made available online should be comparable, freely released, and downloaded in usable format; Regular update of the data published.

At this level of generality, the report is not massively useful because it leaves important issues of detail about the information to be published, whether access needs to be unrestricted and universal (I submit it should not) or different stakeholder should have access to different levels of information and at different times, etc. Moreover, the report makes some general statements that can be strongly contested. For instance, the report emphasises that

There is ... a benefit in collecting and publicising information not directly related to a specific procedure. For example, some [Member States], such as Latvia, Spain and Slovakia, require contracting authorities to publish pipelines of up-coming contracts, which can be invaluable tools for bidders to manage their businesses plans and prepare their most competitive officers. 

This is very problematic because this is the sort of excessive transparency that can easily result in cartelisation of (future) tender procedures and, in my view, there is no need whatsoever for this type of advance publication of contract opportunities if contracting authorities are willing to provide reasonable tender preparation times [for broader discussion, see A Sanchez-Graells, Public Procurement and the EU Competition Rules, 2nd edn (Oxford, Hart, 2015) 73-75, and ibid., 'The Difficult Balance between Transparency and Competition in Public Procurement: Some Recent Trends in the Case Law of the European Courts and a Look at the New Directives' (2013)]. Thus, a more nuanced and careful consideration of these issues would be needed before simply presenting more transparency as always and intrinsically positive, and as a 'good practice' that should be disseminated throughout the 28 EU Member States--which it simply is not.

When it comes to the assessment of specific cases, the PwC report includes five short case studies in this area: Spain (Public Contracts Registry), Lithuania (Monitoring and publication of data on framework agreements), Slovenia ("Supervizor" transparency tool), Portugal (BASE Public Contracts Portal) and Slovakia (Single-stop online portal for public procurement analysis). All these case studies stress that publication of procurement information is positive, and indicate that there are issues of quality of the data published and of accessibility and machine-readability that need to be addressed. On the basis of that, the report goes on to recommend that Member States:

• Integrate interoperability with the online publication system into the national eprocurement system so that the relevant data is automatically uploaded to the public website, minimising delays in publication;
• Incorporate a comprehensive and user friendly search engine in any online database so that users can identify the information that is relevant to them;
• Allow users to download search results in at least one commonly used and machine readable format such as CSV or Excel;
• Contracting authorities should be required to submit preliminary data on upcoming projects, either via an annual procurement plan, or an advanced notification requirement for major and recurring contracts. 

I would personally take issue with the final recommendation and challenge it as an instance of detrimental public procurement practice. Elaborating a procurement is probably a good governance tool. Publishing it is a very ill-informed decision. Not in vain, one of the recommendations included in the OECD's Guidelines for Fighting Bid Rigging in Public Procurement (2009) is for contracting authorities to avoid predictability and, in particular, to '[a]void predictability in your contract requirements: consider aggregating or disaggregating contracts so as to vary the size and timing of tenders'.

Thus, engaging in the type of advanced disclosure advocated by the PwC report is simply contrary to this recommendation and creates excessive predictability and certainty of demand for both major and recurring contracts. Simply put, this is an ill-informed recommendation and one that the Commission and the Member States should ignore. It will be particularly important for this not to feed into the Commission's initiatives under the 2015 Strategy for the upgrade of the internal market. Any development of rules on public procurement registers needs to be much more nuanced and informed by economic theory.

In my view, the main normative recommendations (ie 'good practices') on which public procurement registers should be based are as follows:

• Public contract registers should not be fully available to the public. Access to the full registry should be restricted to public sector officials under a strong duty of confidentiality protected by appropriate sanctions in cases of illegitimate disclosure.
• Even within the public sector, access to the full register should be made available on a need to know basis. Oversight entities, such as the audit court or the competition authority, should have full access. However, other entities or specific civil servants should only access the information they require to carry out their functions.
• Limited versions of the public contract registry that are made accessible to the public should aggregate information by contracting authority and avoid disclosing any particulars that could be traced back to specific tenders or specific undertakings.
• Representative institutions, such as third sector organisations, or academics should have the opportunity of seeking access to the full registry on a case by case basis where they can justify a legitimate or research-related interest. In case of access, ethical approval shall be obtained, anonymization of data attempted, and specific confidentiality requirements duly imposed.
• Delayed access to the full public registry could also be allowed for, provided there are sufficient safeguards to ensure that historic information does not remain relevant for the purposes of protecting market competition, business secrets and commercial interests.
• Tenderers should have access to their own records, even if they are not publicly-available, so as to enable them to check their accuracy. This is particularly relevant if public contract registries are used for the purposes of assessing past performance under the new rules.
• Big data should be published on an anonymised basis, so that general trends can be analysed without enabling ‘reverse engineering’ of information that can be traced to specific bidders.
• The entity in charge of the public contracts registry should regularly publish aggregated statistics by type of procurement procedure, object of contract, or any other items deemed relevant for the purposes of public accountability of public buyers (such as percentages of expenditure in green procurement, etc).
• The entity in charge of the public contracts registry should develop a system of red flag indicators and monitor them with a view to reporting instances of potential collusion to the relevant competition authority.

My full discussion and reasons for these recommendations are available here.

Further thoughts on the competition implications of public contract registries: rebuttal to Telles

Some 10 days ago, Dr Pedro Telles and I engaged in another of our procurement tennis games. This time, the topic of contention is the impact of public contract registers on competition. I published a first set of arguments (here) and Pedro replied (here) mainly stressing that I had not paid enough attention to the potential upsides of such registers. 

Pedro advocated some potential sources of economic benefits derived from the use of public contract registers aimed at full transparency of tender and post-award procurement documentation, of which I would pick: 1) reduced opportunities for price arbitrage and 2) more scope for antitrust intervention by competition authorities possessing better data on what is going on in procurement markets. His arguments are well developed and can be seen as attractive. However, on reflection, there are still reasons why they do not necessarily work. In this post, I address these two issues and explain why I am still sceptical that they can result in any actual economic upsides. I am expecting Pedro to follow up with more arguments, which would be certainly welcome.

1) What about the 'single market theory = law of one price' approach?

The discussion on price arbitrage implicitly rests on the economic 'law of one price' whereby, in simple terms, a specific good should be traded at a single price in all locations. However, that 'economic law' rests on a large number of assumptions, which are particularly fit to commodity markets and ill suited to complex contracts for goods, or most definitely for services. 

In fact, even in highly competitive markets for commoditised products, the law of one price does not hold, at least if conceived in strong terms (ie strictly one price for a given good) instead of relaxing it to require a convergence or clustering of prices [for an interesting empirical paper stressing these insights, see K Graddy, 'Testing for Imperfect Competition at the Fulton Fish Market' (1995) 26(1) The RAND Journal of Economics 75-92]. 

Thus, focussing on arbitrage issues for anything other than very homogeneous commodities traded under standard contract clauses can fall foul of the due recognition of the assumptions underlying the 'law of one price'. Pedro acknowledges this: "yes, I am talking about a commodity, but then a lot of public procurement is made around commodities, including oil". On this point, however, I think data does not support his views.

According to the 2011 PwC-London Economics-Ecorys study for the European Commission 'Public procurement in Europe-Cost and effectiveness', commodities and manufactured goods only account for about 10% in value and 14% in number of procurement procedures subjected to the EU rules (see here page 45). Thus, the issue of price arbitrage is certainly not of first magnitude when the effects of public contract registers are assessed from an economic perspective.

(c) Anderson for eQuest

2) What about more intervention by competition authorities based on better (big) data?

On this point, Pedro and I agree partially. It is beyond doubt that, as he puts it, there are "potential upsides of having more data available in terms of cartel fighting. What can be done when reams and reams of contract data are available? You can spot odd behaviours. For example, you can corroborate a whistleblower account and you can then check if certain collusive practice/tactic is happening in other sectors as well." That is why, on my original post, I advocated for "[o]versight entities, such as the audit court or the competition authority, [to] have full access" to public contract registers.

However, as I also suggested (probably not in the clearest terms), in order to enable competition law enforcement on the basis of better data, there is no need for everyone to have (unlimited) access to that data. The only agent that needs access is the competition authority. More importantly, indiscriminate disclosure is not technically necessary, particularly when public contract registries are electronic and can be designed around technical devices giving differentiated access to information to different stakeholders.

This is an important issue. In a different but comparable context, disclosure obligations in the field of securities and financial regulation have been criticised for failing to address their excessive rigidity in certain multi-audience scenarios, where investors and competitors can access the same information and, consequently, firms have conflicting incentives to disclose and not to disclose specific bits of commercially sensitive information [for a very interesting discussion, see S Gilotta, 'Disclosure in Securities Markets and the Firm's Need for Confidentiality: Theoretical Framework and Regulatory Analysis' (2012) 13(1) European Business Organization Law Review 45-88].

In that setting, selective disclosure of sensitive information has been considered the adequate tool to strike a balance of interest between the different stakeholders wanting access to the information, and this is becoming a worldwide standard with a significant volume of emerging best practices [eg Brynn Gilbertson and Daniel Wong, 'Selective disclosure by listed issuers: recent “best practice” developments', Lexology, 9 Sept 2014].

Therefore, by analogy (if nothing else), I still think that 

Generally, what is needed is more granularity in the levels of information that are made accessible to different stakeholders. The current full transparency approach whereby all information is made available to everyone falls very short from the desired balance between transparency and competition goals of public procurement. A system based on enabling or targeted transparency, whereby each stakeholder gets access to the information it needs for a specific purpose, is clearly preferable.

Why are public contracts registers problematic?

This past week, I had the pleasure and honour of starting my participation in the European Commission Stakeholder Expert Group on Public Procurement (PPEP). The first batch of discussions  revolved, firstly, around the use of the best price quality ratio (BPQR) award criterion and, secondly, around the use of transparency tools such as public contract registers. 

This second topic is of my particular interest, so I have tried to push the discussion a step forward in a document circulated to the PPEP Members. Given the general nature of the discussion document, I thought it could be interesting to post it here. Any comments will be most welcome and will help enrich the views presented to the European Commission in the next meeting. Thank you for reading and commenting.

Centralised Procurement Registers and their Transparency Implications—Discussion Non-Paper for the European Commission Stakeholder Expert Group on Public Procurement ~ Dr Albert Sanchez-Graells[1]

Background

In its efforts to increase the effectiveness of EU public procurement law in practice and to steer Member States towards the mutual exchange and eventual adoption of best practices,[2] the European Commission has identified the emerging trend of creating public contracts registers as an area of increasing interest.[3] Such registers go beyond the well-known electronic portals of information on public contract opportunities, such as TED[4] at EU level or Contracts Finder in the UK,[5] and aim to publish very detailed tender and contractual information, which in some cases include aspects of the competition generated prior to the award of the contract (such as names of the undertakings that submitted tenders) and the actual contractual documents signed by the parties. Such registers exist at least in Portugal,[6] Italy[7] and Slovakia.[8] The European Commission is interested in assessing the benefits and risks that such public contracts registers generate, particularly in terms of transparency of public tendering and the subsequent management of public contracts. This discussion non-paper aims to assess such benefits and risks and to sketch some proposals for risk mitigation measures.

Why are public contract registries created?

Traditional registers of contract opportunities are fundamentally based on transaction cost theory insights and aim to reduce the search costs that undertakings face in trying to identify opportunities to supply the public sector. By making the information readily available, contracting authorities expect to receive expressions of interest and/or offers from a larger number of undertakings, thus increasing competition for public contracts and reducing the information asymmetries that affect contracting authorities themselves. In the end, that sort of pre-award transparency mechanism aims at enabling the contracting authority to benefit from competition. It also creates the additional benefit of avoiding favouritism and corrupt practices in the selection of public suppliers and, in the context of the EU’s internal market, supports the anti-discrimination agenda embedded in the basic fundamental freedoms of movement of goods, services and capital through pan-European advertisement.

The justification for ‘advanced’ public contracts registers that include post-award transparency mechanisms is more complex and, in short, this type of registers is created for a number of reasons that mainly include objectives at two different levels:

1. At a general level, these registers aim at

• Reacting to perceived shortcomings in public governance, particularly in the aftermath of corruption scandals, or as part of efforts to strengthen public administration processes
• Complementing ‘traditional’ public audit and oversight mechanisms through enhanced access to information by stakeholders and civil society organisations, as well as enabling more intense scrutiny by the press, in the hope of ‘private-led’ oversight and audit. The possibilities that digitisation and big data create in this area of public governance are a significant driver or steer to the development of these registers.[9]

2. At a specific level, these registers aim at

• Facilitating contract management oversight and creating an additional layer of public exposure of contract-related decision-making, thus expanding the scope of procurement transparency beyond the award phase
• Facilitating private enforcement of public procurement rules by allowing interested parties to prompt administrative and/or judicial review of specific procurement decisions,[10] both pre-award and during the execution phase

Generally, then, these additional transparency mechanisms are not intended to foster competition. Their main goal and justification is to preserve the integrity of public contract administration and to increase the robustness of anticorruption tools by facilitating social or private oversight. They significantly increase the levels of transparency already achieved through pre-award disclosure mechanisms and, in simple terms, they aim at creating full transparency of public procurement and public contract management, basically for the purposes of legitimising public expenditure by means of increased (expected) accountability as a result of such full transparency and tougher oversight.

Why are public contract registries problematic from a competition perspective?

Public contract registries are problematic precisely due to the levels of transparency they create. Economic theory has conclusively demonstrated that the levels of transparency created by public procurement rules and practices (such as these registers) facilitate collusion and anticompetitive behaviour between undertakings, thus eroding (and potentially negating) the benefits contracting authorities can obtain from organising tenders for public contracts.[11] This is an uncontroversial finding that led the OECD to stress that “[t]he formal rules governing public procurement can make communication among rivals easier, promoting collusion among bidders … procurement regulations may facilitate collusive arrangements”.[12]

The specific reasons why and conditions under which increased transparency facilitates collusion are beyond the scope of this discussion non-paper, but suffice it to stress here that transparency will be particularly pernicious when it allows undertakings that are already colluding to identify the detailed conditions under which they did participate in a particular bid or refrained from participating (by, for instance, disclosing the names of participating tenderers and the specific conditions of the winning tender).[13] Moreover, conditions of full transparency are not only problematic in relation to already existing cartels, but they are also troublesome regarding the creation of new cartels because increased transparency alters the incentives to participate in bid rigging arrangements.[14]

Furthermore, full transparency can also damage competition in industries with strong dominant undertakings. In those settings, transparency may not lead to cartelisation, but it can facilitate exclusionary strategies by the dominant undertaking by allowing them to focus exclusionary practices (such as predatory pricing) in markets or segments of the market where it detects entry by new rivals or innovative tenderers. Even in cases where collusion or price competition may not be a prime issue, full transparency can create qualitative distortions of competition, such as technical levelling[15] or reduced participation due to undertakings’ interest in protecting business secrets (as discussed below). Overall, it is beyond doubt that excessive transparency in public procurement is self-defeating because it erodes or nullifies any benefits derived from the organisation of public tenders.

All these economic insights led the OECD to adopt a formal Recommendation to prompt its members to “assess the various features of their public procurement laws and practices and their impact on the likelihood of collusion between bidders. Members should strive for public procurement tenders at all levels of government that are designed to promote more effective competition and to reduce the risk of bid rigging while ensuring overall value for money”.[16] Thus the impact of increased procurement transparency on the likelihood of collusion and cartelisation in procurement markets, as well as the other potential negative impacts on the intensity or quality of competition, requires closer scrutiny and the competition implications of excessive transparency cannot simply be overseen in the name of anti-corruption goals.[17] Not least, because a large number of cartels discovered and prosecuted by competition authorities involve public procurement markets[18]—which demonstrates that the economic impact of such collusion-facilitative implications of full transparency is not trivial. 

Estimating the economic impact of cartels in public procurement is a difficult task.[19] However, generally accepted estimates always show that the negative economic effect is by no means negligible and that anticompetitive overcharges can easily reach 20% of contract value.[20] Thus, particularly in view of the Europe 2020 goal to ensure ‘the most efficient use of public funds’,[21] issues of excessive transparency in public procurement markets need to be addressed so as to avoid losses of efficiency derived from the abnormal operation of market forces due to procurement rules and practices.

This does not mean that transparency needs to be completely abandoned in the public procurement setting, but a more nuanced approach that accommodates competition concerns is necessary. As has been rightly stressed, “transparency measures should at least be limited to those needed in order to enhance competition and ensure integrity, rather than being promoted as a matter of principle. Transparency should be perceived as a means to an end, rather than a goal in itself”.[22] This is in line with the OECD’s specific recommendation that “[w]hen publishing the results of a tender, [contracting authorities] carefully consider which information is published and avoid disclosing competitively sensitive information as this can facilitate the formation of bid-rigging schemes, going forward”.[23] The final section of this non-paper presents some normative recommendations to that purpose, which highlight much needed restrictions to the promotion of full transparency as a matter of principle.

Are there other reasons why procurement registries can be problematic?

As briefly mentioned above, another source of possible negative impacts derived from public contract registries is their potential chilling effect on undertakings keen to protect their business secrets. It is often stressed that tenders contain sensitive information and that disclosure of that information can damage the commercial interests of bidders if those secrets are at risk of being disclosed through the public contracts registries or otherwise.[24] Thus, undertakings can either decide not to participate in particularly sensitive tenders, or submit offers and documentation in such a way as to keep their secrets concealed, hence diminishing their quality or increasing the information cost/asymmetry that the contracting authority needs to overcome in their assessment. Either way, these business secret protective strategies reduce the intensity and quality of the competition. Moreover, transparency of certain elements of human resources-related information (particularly in view of the increasing importance of work teams in the area of services procurement) not only can trigger data protection concerns,[25] but also facilitate unfair business practices such as the poaching of key employees.

However, despite the clear existence of business secret and commercial interest justifications for the preservation of certain levels of secrecy, there is a tendency to minimise the relevance of these issues by creating a private interest-public interest dichotomy and stressing the relevance of public (anti-corruption) goals. This is problematic. What is often overlooked is that contracting authorities have themselves a commercial interest in keeping business secrets protected. That interest derives immediately from their need to minimise the abovementioned chilling effect (ie not crowding out or scaring away undertakings wary of excessive disclosure), so that competition remains as strong as possible. And such interest in avoiding excessive disclosure also derives, in the mid to long-term, from the need not to thwart innovation by means of technical levelling or de facto standard setting.

These issues were recently well put in the context of UK litigation concerning a freedom of information request that the contracting authority rejected on the basis of relevant business secret and commercial interest protection. As clarified by the First Tier Tribunal,

There is a public interest in maintaining an efficient competitive market for leisure management systems. If the commercial secrets of one market entity were revealed, its competitive position would be eroded and the whole market would be less competitive. As the Court of Appeal put it in Veolia ES Nottinghamshire Ltd v Nottinghamshire County Council and others [2012] P.T.S.R. 185 at [111], a company’s confidential information is often “the life blood of an enterprise”. The [Information Commissioner’s Office] argued that this is particularly so in an industry such as the provision of leisure management systems because such systems are a complex amalgam of technologies, customer support networks, and user interfaces, which involve elements individual to particular companies. Those individual elements drive competition to the benefit of public authorities and consumers.[26]

Thus, the protection of business secrets and commercial interests should not be seen as a limitation of the public (anti-corruption) interest in the benefit of private interests, but as a balancing exercise between two competing public interest goals: efficiency and integrity of procurement. Once this realignment of goals is understood, restrictions of public procurement transparency based on competition considerations should receive support also from a public governance perspective.

A final consideration in terms of potential negative impacts of public contract registries derives from the way they are financed. At least in the case of Italy, economic operators are required to pay fees towards the funding of the relevant public contract registry when they first participate in any given tender. This becomes a financial burden linked to procurement participation that can have clear chilling effects, particularly for SMEs with limited financial resources. It is widely accepted that financial barriers to participation should be suppressed as a matter of best practice[27]—and, in certain occasions, as a matter of compliance with internal market regulation as well. Thus, the creation of any sort of public contract registry which funding requires upfront payments from interested undertakings should not be favoured.

How could competition and confidentiality concerns be embedded in the design of public contract registries, so that their risks are minimised?

The discussion above supports a nuanced approach to the level of transparency actually created by public contract registries, which needs to fall short of the full transparency paradigm in which they have been conceived and started to be implemented. As a functional criterion, only the information that is necessary to ensure proper oversight and the effectiveness of anti-corruption measures should be disclosed, whereas the information that can be most damaging for competition should be withheld. 

Generally, what is needed is more granularity in the levels of information that are made accessible to different stakeholders. The current full transparency approach whereby all information is made available to everyone falls very short from the desired balance between transparency and competition goals of public procurement. A system based on enabling or targeted transparency, whereby each stakeholder gets access to the information it needs for a specific purpose, is clearly preferable.

In more specific terms, the following normative recommendations are subjected to further discussion. They are by no means exhaustive and simply aim to specify the sort of nuanced approach to disclosure of public procurement information that is hereby advocated.

• Public contract registers should not be fully available to the public. Access to the full registry should be restricted to public sector officials under a strong duty of confidentiality protected by appropriate sanctions in cases of illegitimate disclosure.
• Even within the public sector, access to the full register should be made available on a need to know basis. Oversight entities, such as the audit court or the competition authority, should have full access. However, other entities or specific civil servants should only access the information they require to carry out their functions.
• Limited versions of the public contract registry that are made accessible to the public should aggregate information by contracting authority and avoid disclosing any particulars that could be traced back to specific tenders or specific undertakings.
• Representative institutions, such as third sector organisations, or academics should have the opportunity of seeking access to the full registry on a case by case basis where they can justify a legitimate or research-related interest. In case of access, ethical approval shall be obtained, anonymization of data attempted, and specific confidentiality requirements duly imposed.
• Delayed access to the full public registry could also be allowed for, provided there are sufficient safeguards to ensure that historic information does not remain relevant for the purposes of protecting market competition, business secrets and commercial interests.
• Tenderers should have access to their own records, even if they are not publicly-available, so as to enable them to check their accuracy. This is particularly relevant if public contract registries are used for the purposes of assessing past performance under the new rules.
• Big data should be published on an anonymised basis, so that general trends can be analysed without enabling ‘reverse engineering’ of information that can be traced to specific bidders.
• The entity in charge of the public contracts registry should regularly publish aggregated statistics by type of procurement procedure, object of contract, or any other items deemed relevant for the purposes of public accountability of public buyers (such as percentages of expenditure in green procurement, etc).
• The entity in charge of the public contracts registry should develop a system of red flag indicators and monitor them with a view to reporting instances of potential collusion to the relevant competition authority.

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[1] Senior Lecturer in Law, University of Bristol Law School and Member of the European Commission Stakeholder Expert Group on Public Procurement (E02807) (2015-2018). This paper has been prepared for discussion within the Expert Group, following an initial exchange of ideas in the meeting held in Brussels on 14 September 2015. The views presented on this paper are my own and in no way bind any of the abovementioned institutions. Comments and suggestions welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

[2] For discussion of this regulatory and governance approach in the area of public procurement, see C Harlow and R Rawlings, Process and Procedure in EU Administration (Oxford, Hart, 2014) 142-169.

[3] Point 2 ‘’contract registers to enhance full transparency of data related to public procurement”, included in the agenda for the Stakeholder Expert Group on Public Procurement of 14 September 2015, available at http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/publicprocurement/docs/expert-group/150914-agenda_en.pdf.

[4] Tenders Electronic Daily (TED) http://ted.europa.eu/TED/main/HomePage.do.

[5] https://www.gov.uk/contracts-finder.

[6] Base: Contratos Publicos Online, http://www.base.gov.pt/Base/pt/Homepage.

[7] Banca Dati Nazionale dei Contratti pubblici, http://portaletrasparenza.avcp.it/microstrategy/html/index.htm.

[8] A case study based on the Slovakian Online Central Register of Contracts is available at https://joinup.ec.europa.eu/community/epractice/case/slovakian-online-central-register-contracts.

[9] See eg the efforts of the Sunlight Foundation by means of its Procurement Open Data Guidelines http://sunlightfoundation.com/procurement/opendataguidelines. See also the Open Contracting Data Standard project http://standard.open-contracting.org/.

[10] For discussion, see A Sanchez-Graells, “The Difficult Balance between Transparency and Competition in Public Procurement: Some Recent Trends in the Case Law of the European Courts and a Look at the New Directives” (November 2013), http://ssrn.com/abstract=2353005.

[11] A Sanchez-Graells, Public Procurement and the EU Competition Rules, 2nd edn (Oxford, Hart, 2015) 73-75.

[12] OECD, Public Procurement: Role of Competition Authorities (2007) 7, available at http://www.oecd.org/competition/cartels/39891049.pdf. For discussion, see A Sanchez-Graells, “Prevention and Deterrence of Bid Rigging: A Look from the New EU Directive on Public Procurement”, in G Racca & C Yukins (eds), Integrity and Efficiency in Sustainable Public Contracts (Brussels, Bruylant, 2014) 171-198, available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=2053414.

[13] For discussion, see A Heimler, “Cartels in Public Procurement” (2012) 8(4) Journal of Competition Law & Economics 849-862 and SE Weishaar, Cartels, Competition and Public Procurement. Law and Economics Approaches to Bid Rigging (Cheltenham, Edward Elgar, 2013) 28-36.

[14] P Gugler, “Transparency and Competition Policy in an Imperfectly Competitive World”, in J Forssbaeck & L Oxelheim (eds), Oxford Handbook of Economic and Institutional Transparency (Oxford, OUP, 2014) 144, 150.

[15] Sanchez-Graells, Public Procurement and the EU Competition Rules (n 11) 76.

[16] OECD, Recommendation on Fighting Bid Rigging in Public Procurement (2012), available at http://www.oecd.org/daf/competition/RecommendationOnFightingBidRigging2012.pdf. For discussion, see A Sanchez-Graells, “Public Procurement and Competition: Some Challenges Arising from Recent Developments in EU Public Procurement Law”, in C Bovis (ed), Research Handbook on European Public Procurement (Cheltenham, Elgar, 2016). Available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=2206502.

[17] For discussion, see RD Anderson, WE Kovacic and AC Muller, ‘Ensuring integrity and competition in public procurement markets: a dual challenge for good governance’ in S Arrowsmith & RD Anderson (eds), The WTO Regime on Government Procurement: Challenge and Reform (CUP, 2011) 681-718.

[18] This is true in all jurisdictions. See KL Haberbush, “Limiting the Government’s Exposure to Bid Rigging Schemes: A Critical Look at the Sealed Bidding Regime” (2000–2001) 30 Public Contract Law Journal 97, 98; and RD Anderson & WE Kovacic, ‘Competition Policy and International Trade Liberalisation: Essential Complements to Ensure Good Performance in Public Procurement Markets’ (2009) 18 Public Procurement Law Review 67. See also A Sanchez-Graells, “Public Procurement: A 2014 Updated Overview of EU and National Case Law” (2014). e-Competitions: National Competition Laws Bulletin, No. 40647. Available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=1968371.

[19] See the debate around the proposal to create a rebuttable presumption of overcharge at 20% in the Directive on actions for breach of the EU antitrust rules; Commission Staff Working Document SWD(2013) 203 final para 88, http://ec.europa.eu/competition/antitrust/actionsdamages/impact_assessment_en.pdf. However, given the controversy on specific figures, the final version of Art 17 of Directive 2014/104 includes an unquantified presumption. Directive 2014/104/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 26 November 2014 on certain rules governing actions for damages under national law for infringements of the competition law provisions of the Member States and of the European Union [2014] OJ L 349/1.

[20] For a very modest estimation of cartel overcharges in the environment of 17%, see M Boyer & R Kotchoni, “How Much Do Cartels Overcharge?” (2014) Toulouse School of Economics Working Paper TSE‐462, available at http://www.tse-fr.eu/sites/default/files/medias/doc/wp/etrie/wp_tse_462_v2.pdf.

[21] Communication from the Commission of 3 March 2010, Europe 2020 A strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth, COM (2010) 2020 final para 4.3, p. 24, available at http://ec.europa.eu/eu2020/pdf/COMPLET%20EN%20BARROSO%20%20%20007%20-%20Europe%202020%20-%20EN%20version.pdf. For discussion, see A Sanchez-Graells, “Truly competitive public procurement as a Europe 2020 lever: what role for the principle of competition in moderating horizontal policies?” (2016) 22(2) European Public Law Journal, available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=2638466.

[22] RD Anderson and AC Muller, “Promoting Competition and Deterring Corruption in Public Procurement markets: Synergies with Trade Liberalization”, draft paper to be published in the "E15 Expert Group on Competition Policy" (a joint initiative/facility of the World Economic Forum and the International Centre for Trade and Sustainable Development) 13 (on file with author).

[23] OECD, Guidelines for Fighting Bid Rigging in Public Procurement (2009) 7, available at http://www.oecd.org/competition/cartels/42851044.pdf.

[24] For discussion, see C Ginter, N Parrest & M-A Simovart, “Requirement to Protect Business Secrets and Disclose Procurement Contracts under Procurement Law” (2013) IX Juridica 658-665.

[25] These are beyond the scope of this discussion non-paper.

[26] Sally Ballan v Information Commissioner EA/2015/0021 (28 July 2015) para [25(c)], available at http://www.informationtribunal.gov.uk/DBFiles/Decision/i1609/Ballan,%20Sally%20EA.2015.0021%20%2828.07.15%29.pdf.

[27] Sanchez-Graells, Public Procurement and the EU Competition Rules (n 11) 280-281.