Articulating the public interest in procurement law and policy

Earlier this year, I had some very interesting conversations with Bristol colleagues about the relationship between law, regulation, and the public interest. These conversations led to a series of blog posts that are being published in our Law School blog.

This prompted me to think a bit more in detail about how the public interest is articulated in public procurement law and policy. Eventually, I wrote a draft paper based on the review of procurement goals embedded in the UK’s new Procurement Act 2023, which will enter into force next month (on 28 October 2023).

I presented the paper at the SLS conference today (the slides are available here) and had some initial positive feedback. I would be interested in additional feedback before I submit it for peer review.

As always, comments warmly welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk. The abstract is as follows:

In this paper, I explore the notion of public interest embedded in the Procurement Act 2023. I use this new piece of legislation as a contemporary example of the difficulty in designing a 'public interest centred' system of public procurement regulation. I show how a mix of explicit, referential, and implicit public interest objectives results in a situation where there are multiple sources of objectives contracting authorities need to consider in their decision-making, but there is no prioritisation of sources or objectives. I also show that, despite this proliferation of sources and objectives and due to the unavailability of effective means of judicial challenge or administrative oversight, contracting authorities retain almost unlimited discretion to shape the public interest and 'what it looks like' in relation to the award of each public contract. I conclude with a reflection the need to reconsider the ways in which public procurement can foster the public interest, in light of its limitations as a regulatory tool.

Responsibly Buying Artificial Intelligence: A ‘Regulatory Hallucination’ -- draft paper for comment

© Matt Lowe/LinkedIn.

Following yesterday’s Current Legal Problems Lecture, I have uploaded the current full draft of the paper on SSRN. I would be very grateful for any comments in the next few weeks, as I plan to do a final revision and to submit it for peer-review in early 2024. Thanks in advance for those who take the time. As always, you can reach me at a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

The abstract of the paper is as follows:

Here, I focus on the UK’s approach to regulating public sector procurement and use of artificial intelligence (AI) in the context of the broader ‘pro-innovation’ approach to AI regulation. Borrowing from the description of AI ‘hallucinations’ as plausible but incorrect answers given with high confidence by AI systems, I argue that UK policymaking is trapped in a ‘regulatory hallucination.’ Despite having embraced the plausible ‘pro-innovation’ regulatory approach with high confidence, that is the incorrect answer to the challenge of regulating AI procurement and use by the public sector. I conceptualise the current strategy as one of ‘regulation by contract’ and identify two of its underpinning presumptions that make its deployment in the digital context particularly challenging. I show how neither the presumption of superiority of the public buyer over the public contractor, nor the related presumption that the public buyer is the rule-maker and the public contractor is the rule-taker, necessarily hold in this context. Public buyer superiority is undermined by the two-sided gatekeeping required to simultaneously discipline the behaviour of the public sector AI user and the tech provider. The public buyer’s rule-making role is also undermined by its reliance on industry-led standards, as well as by the tech provider’s upper hand in setting contractual benchmarks and controlling the ensuing self-assessments. In view of the ineffectiveness of regulating public sector AI use by contract, I then sketch an alternative strategy to boost the effectiveness of the goals of AI regulation and the protection of individual rights and collective interests through the creation of an independent authority.

Sanchez-Graells, Albert, ‘Responsibly Buying Artificial Intelligence: A “Regulatory Hallucination”’ (November 24, 2023). Current Legal Problems 2023-24, Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=4643273.

More Nuanced Procurement Transparency to Protect Competition: Has the Court of Justice Hit the Brakes on Open Procurement Data in Antea Polska (C-54/21)?

** This comment was first published as an Op-Ed for EU Law Live on 8 December 2022 (see formatted version). I am reposting it here in case of broader interest. **

In Antea Polska (C-54/21), the Court of Justice provided further clarification of the duties incumbent on contracting authorities to protect the confidentiality of different types of information disclosed by economic operators during tender procedures for the award of public contracts. Managing access to such information is challenging. On the one hand, some of the information will have commercial value and be sensitive from a market competition perspective, or for other reasons. On the other hand, disappointed tenderers can only scrutinise and challenge procurement decisions reliant on that information if they can access it as part of the duty to give reasons incumbent on the contracting authority. There is thus a clash of private interests that the public buyer needs to mediate as the holder of the information.

However, in recent times, procurement transparency has also gained a governance dimension that far exceeds the narrow confines of the tender procedures and related disputes. Open contracting approaches have focused on procurement transparency as a public governance tool, emphasising the public interest in the availability of such information. This creates two overlapping tracks for discussions on procurement transparency and its limitations: a track concerning private interests, and a track concerning the public interest. In this Op-Ed, I examine the judgment of Court of Justice in Antea Polska from both perspectives. I first consider the implications of the judgment for the public interest track, ie the open data context. I then focus on the specifics of the judgment in the private interest track, ie the narrower regulation of access to remedies in procurement. I conclude with some broader reflections on the need to develop the institutional mechanisms and guidance required by the nuanced approach to procurement transparency demanded by the Court of Justice, which is where both tracks converge.

Procurement Transparency and Public Interest

In the aftermath of the covid-19 pandemic, procurement transparency became a mainstream topic. Irregularities and corruption in the extremely urgent direct award of contracts could only be identified where information was made public, sometimes after extensive litigation to force disclosure. And the evidence that slowly emerged was concerning. The improper allocation of public funds through awards not subjected to most (or any) of the usual checks and balances renewed concerns about corruption and maladministration in procurement. This brought the spotlight back on proactive procurement transparency as a governance tool and sparked new interest in open data approaches. These would generate access to (until then) confidential procurement information without the need for an explicit request by the interested party.

A path towards ‘open by default’ procurement data has been plotted in the Open Data Directive, the Data Governance Act, and the new rules on Procurement eForms. Combined, these measures impose minimum open data requirements and allow for further ‘permissioned’ openness, including the granting of access to information subject to the rights of others—eg on grounds of commercial confidentiality, the protection of intellectual property (IP) or personal data (see here for discussion). In line with broader data strategies (notably, the 2020 Data Strategy), EU digital law seems to gear procurement towards encouraging ‘maximum transparency’—which would thus be expected to become the new norm soon (although I have my doubts, see here).

However, such ‘maximum transparency’ approach does not fit well the informational economics of procurement. Procurement is at its core an information or data-intensive exercise, as public buyers use tenders and negotiations to extract private information from willing economic operators to identify the contractor that can best satisfy the relevant needs. Subjecting the private information revealed in procurement procedures to maximum (or full) transparency would thus be problematic, as the risk of disclosure could have chilling and anticompetitive effects. This has long been established in principle in EU procurement law—and more generally in freedom of information law—although the limits to (on-demand and proactive) procurement transparency remain disputed and have generated wide variation across EU jurisdictions (for extensive discussion, see the contributions to Halonen, Caranta & Sanchez-Graells, Transparency in EU Procurements (2019)).

The Court’s Take

The Court of Justice’s case law has progressively made a dent on ‘maximum transparency’ approaches to confidential procurement information. Following its earlier Judgment in Klaipėdos regiono atliekų tvarkymo centras (C-927/19), the Court of Justice has now provided additional clarification on the limits to disclosure of information submitted by tenderers in public procurement procedures in its Judgment in Antea Polska. From the open data perspective, the Court’s approach to the protection of public interests in the opacity of confidential information are relevant.

Firstly, the Court of Justice has clearly endorsed limitations to procurement transparency justified by the informational economics of procurement. The Court has been clear that ‘the principal objective of the EU rules on public procurement is to ensure undistorted competition, and that, in order to achieve that objective, it is important that the contracting authorities do not release information relating to public procurement procedures which could be used to distort competition, whether in an ongoing procurement procedure or in subsequent procedures. Since public procurement procedures are founded on a relationship of trust between the contracting authorities and participating economic operators, those operators must be able to communicate any relevant information to the contracting authorities in such a procedure, without fear that the authorities will communicate to third parties items of information whose disclosure could be damaging to those operators’; Antea Polska (C-54/21, para 49). Without perhaps explicitly saying it, the Court has established the protection of competition and the fostering of trust in procurement procedures as elements inherently placed within the broader public interest in the proper functioning of public procurement mechanisms.

Second, the Court has recognised that ‘it is permissible for each Member State to strike a balance between the confidentiality [of procurement information] and the rules of national law pursuing other legitimate interests, including that … of ensuring “access to information”, in order to ensure the greatest possible transparency in public procurement procedures’; Antea Polska (C-54/21, para 57). However, in that regard, the exercise of such discretion cannot impinge on the effectiveness of the EU procurement rules seeking to align practice with the informational economics of procurement (ie to protect competition and the trust required to facilitate the revelation of private information, as above) to the extent that they also protect public interests (or private interests with a clear impact on the broader public interest, as above). Consequently, the Court stressed that ‘[n]ational legislation which requires publicising of any information which has been communicated to the contracting authority by all tenderers, including the successful tenderer, with the sole exception of information covered by the [narrowly defined] concept of trade secrets [in the Trade Secrets Directive], is liable to prevent the contracting authority … from deciding not to disclose certain information pursuant to interests or objectives [such as the protection of competition or commercial interests, but also the preservation of law enforcement procedures or the public interest], where that information does not fall within that concept of a trade secret’; Antea Polska (C-54/21, para 62).

In my view, the Court is clear that a ‘maximum transparency’ approach is not permissible and has stressed the duties incumbent on contracting authorities to protect public and private interests opposed to transparency. This is very much in line with the nuanced approach it has taken in another notable recent Judgment concerning open beneficial ownership data: Luxembourg Business Registers (C‑37/20 and C‑601/20) (see here for discussion). In Antea Polska, the Court has emphasised the need for case-by-case analysis of the competing interests in the confidentiality or disclosure of certain information.

This could have a significant impact on open data initiatives. First, it comes to severely limit ‘open by default’ approaches. Second, if contracting authorities find themselves unable to engage with nuanced analysis of the implications of information disclosure, they may easily ‘clam up’ and perpetuate (or resort back to) generally opaque approaches to procurement disclosure. Developing adequate institutional mechanisms and guidance will thus be paramount (as below).

Procurement Transparency and Private Interest

In its more detailed analysis of the specific information that contracting authorities need to preserve in order to align their practice with the informational economics of procurement (ie to promote trust and to protect market competition), the Court’s views in Antea Polska are also interesting but more problematic. The starting point is that the contracting authority cannot simply take an economic operator’s claim that a specific piece of information has commercial value or is protected by IP rights and must thus be kept confidential (Antea Polska, C-54/21, para 65), as that could generate excessive opacity and impinge of the procedural rights of competing tenderers. Moving beyond this blanket approach requires case-by-case analysis.

Concerning information over which confidentiality is claimed on the basis of its commercial value, the Court has stressed that ‘[t]he disclosure of information sent to the contracting authority in the context of a public procurement procedure cannot be refused if that information, although relevant to the procurement procedure in question, has no commercial value in the wider context of the activities of those economic operators’; Antea Polska (C-54/21, para 78). This requires the contracting authority to be able to assess the commercial value of the information. In the case, the dispute concerned whether the names of employees and subcontractors of the winning tenderer should be disclosed or not. The Court found that ‘in so far as it is plausible that the tenderer and the experts or subcontractors proposed by it have created a synergy with commercial value, it cannot be ruled out that access to the name-specific data relating to those commitments must be refused on the basis of the prohibition on disclosure’; Antea Polska (C-54/21, para 79). This points to the emergence of a sort of rebuttable presumption of commercial value that will be in practice very difficult to overcome by a contracting authority seeking to disclose information—either motu proprio, or on the request of a disappointed tenderer.

Concerning information over which confidentiality is claimed on the basis that it is protected by an IP right, in particular by copyright, the Court stressed that it is unlikely that copyright protection will apply to ‘technical or methodological solutions’ of procurement relevance (Antea Polska, C-54/21, para 82). Furthermore, ‘irrespective of whether they constitute or contain elements protected by an intellectual property right, the design of the projects planned to be carried out under the public contract and the description of the manner of performance of the relevant works or services may … have a commercial value which would be unduly undermined if that design and that description were disclosed as they stand. Their publication may, in such a case, be liable to distort competition, in particular by reducing the ability of the economic operator concerned to distinguish itself using the same design and description in future public procurement procedures’; Antea Polska (C-54/21, para 83). Again, this points to the emergence of a rebuttable presumption of commercial value and anticompetitive potential that will also be very difficult to rebut in practice.

The Court has also stressed that keeping this type of information confidential does not entirely bar disclosure. To discharge their duty to give reasons and facilitate access to remedies by disappointed tenderers, contracting authorities are under an obligation to disclose, to the extent possible, the ‘essential content’ of the protected information; Antea Polska (C-54/21, paras 80 and 84). Determining such essential content and ensuring that the relevant underlying (competing) rights are adequately protected will also pose a challenge to contracting authorities.

In sum, the Court has stressed that preserving competing interests related to the disclosure of confidential information in procurement requires the contracting authority to ‘assess whether that information has a commercial value outside the scope of the public contract in question, where its disclosure might undermine legitimate commercial concerns or fair competition. The contracting authority may, moreover, refuse to grant access to that information where, even though it does not have such commercial value, its disclosure would impede law enforcement or would be contrary to the public interest. A contracting authority must, where full access to information is refused, grant that tenderer access to the essential content of that information, so that observance of the right to an effective remedy is ensured’; Antea Polska (C-54/21, para 85). Once again, developing adequate institutional mechanisms and guidance will thus be paramount (as below).

Investing in the Way Forward

As I have argued elsewhere, and the Antea Polska Judgment has made abundantly clear, under EU procurement (and digital) law, it is simply not possible to create a system that makes all procurement data open. Conversely, the Judgment also makes clear that it is not possible to operate a system that keeps all procurement data confidential (Antea Polska, C-54/21, para 68).

Procurement data governance therefore requires the careful management of a system of multi-tiered access to different types of information at different times, by different stakeholders and under different conditions. This will require investing in data and analysis capabilities by public buyers, which can no longer treat the regulation of confidentiality in procurement as an afterthought or secondary consideration. In the data economy, public buyers need to create the required institutional mechanisms to discharge their growing data governance obligations.

Moreover, and crucially, creating adequate data governance approaches requires the development of useful guidance by the European Commission and national competition authorities, as well as procurement oversight bodies. The Court of Justice’s growing case law points to the potential emergence of (difficult to challenge) rebuttable presumptions of justified confidentiality that could easily result in high levels of procurement opacity. To promote a better balance of the competing public and private interests, a more nuanced approach needs to be supported by actionable guidance. This will be very important across all EU jurisdictions, as it is not only jurisdictions that had embraced ‘maximum transparency’ that now need to correct course—but also those that continue to lag in the disclosure of procurement information. Ensuring a level playing field in procurement data governance depends on the harmonisation of currently widely diverging practices. Procurement digitalisation thus offers an opportunity that needs to be pursued.

Further thoughts on the competition implications of public contract registries: rebuttal to Telles

Some 10 days ago, Dr Pedro Telles and I engaged in another of our procurement tennis games. This time, the topic of contention is the impact of public contract registers on competition. I published a first set of arguments (here) and Pedro replied (here) mainly stressing that I had not paid enough attention to the potential upsides of such registers. 

Pedro advocated some potential sources of economic benefits derived from the use of public contract registers aimed at full transparency of tender and post-award procurement documentation, of which I would pick: 1) reduced opportunities for price arbitrage and 2) more scope for antitrust intervention by competition authorities possessing better data on what is going on in procurement markets. His arguments are well developed and can be seen as attractive. However, on reflection, there are still reasons why they do not necessarily work. In this post, I address these two issues and explain why I am still sceptical that they can result in any actual economic upsides. I am expecting Pedro to follow up with more arguments, which would be certainly welcome.

1) What about the 'single market theory = law of one price' approach?
The discussion on price arbitrage implicitly rests on the economic 'law of one price' whereby, in simple terms, a specific good should be traded at a single price in all locations. However, that 'economic law' rests on a large number of assumptions, which are particularly fit to commodity markets and ill suited to complex contracts for goods, or most definitely for services. 

In fact, even in highly competitive markets for commoditised products, the law of one price does not hold, at least if conceived in strong terms (ie strictly one price for a given good) instead of relaxing it to require a convergence or clustering of prices [for an interesting empirical paper stressing these insights, see K Graddy, 'Testing for Imperfect Competition at the Fulton Fish Market' (1995) 26(1) The RAND Journal of Economics 75-92]. 

Thus, focussing on arbitrage issues for anything other than very homogeneous commodities traded under standard contract clauses can fall foul of the due recognition of the assumptions underlying the 'law of one price'. Pedro acknowledges this: "yes, I am talking about a commodity, but then a lot of public procurement is made around commodities, including oil". On this point, however, I think data does not support his views.

According to the 2011 PwC-London Economics-Ecorys study for the European Commission 'Public procurement in Europe-Cost and effectiveness', commodities and manufactured goods only account for about 10% in value and 14% in number of procurement procedures subjected to the EU rules (see here page 45). Thus, the issue of price arbitrage is certainly not of first magnitude when the effects of public contract registers are assessed from an economic perspective.

(c) Anderson for eQuest
2) What about more intervention by competition authorities based on better (big) data?
On this point, Pedro and I agree partially. It is beyond doubt that, as he puts it, there are "potential upsides of having more data available in terms of cartel fighting. What can be done when reams and reams of contract data are available? You can spot odd behaviours. For example, you can corroborate a whistleblower account and you can then check if certain collusive practice/tactic is happening in other sectors as well." That is why, on my original post, I advocated for "[o]versight entities, such as the audit court or the competition authority, [to] have full access" to public contract registers.

However, as I also suggested (probably not in the clearest terms), in order to enable competition law enforcement on the basis of better data, there is no need for everyone to have (unlimited) access to that data. The only agent that needs access is the competition authority. More importantly, indiscriminate disclosure is not technically necessary, particularly when public contract registries are electronic and can be designed around technical devices giving differentiated access to information to different stakeholders.

This is an important issue. In a different but comparable context, disclosure obligations in the field of securities and financial regulation have been criticised for failing to address their excessive rigidity in certain multi-audience scenarios, where investors and competitors can access the same information and, consequently, firms have conflicting incentives to disclose and not to disclose specific bits of commercially sensitive information [for a very interesting discussion, see S Gilotta, 'Disclosure in Securities Markets and the Firm's Need for Confidentiality: Theoretical Framework and Regulatory Analysis' (2012) 13(1) European Business Organization Law Review 45-88].

In that setting, selective disclosure of sensitive information has been considered the adequate tool to strike a balance of interest between the different stakeholders wanting access to the information, and this is becoming a worldwide standard with a significant volume of emerging best practices [eg Brynn Gilbertson and Daniel Wong, 'Selective disclosure by listed issuers: recent “best practice” developments', Lexology, 9 Sept 2014].

Therefore, by analogy (if nothing else), I still think that 
Generally, what is needed is more granularity in the levels of information that are made accessible to different stakeholders. The current full transparency approach whereby all information is made available to everyone falls very short from the desired balance between transparency and competition goals of public procurement. A system based on enabling or targeted transparency, whereby each stakeholder gets access to the information it needs for a specific purpose, is clearly preferable.

Why are public contracts registers problematic?

This past week, I had the pleasure and honour of starting my participation in the European Commission Stakeholder Expert Group on Public Procurement (PPEP). The first batch of discussions  revolved, firstly, around the use of the best price quality ratio (BPQR) award criterion and, secondly, around the use of transparency tools such as public contract registers. 

This second topic is of my particular interest, so I have tried to push the discussion a step forward in a document circulated to the PPEP Members. Given the general nature of the discussion document, I thought it could be interesting to post it here. Any comments will be most welcome and will help enrich the views presented to the European Commission in the next meeting. Thank you for reading and commenting.

Centralised Procurement Registers and their Transparency Implications—Discussion Non-Paper for the European Commission Stakeholder Expert Group on Public Procurement ~ Dr Albert Sanchez-Graells[1]

Background
In its efforts to increase the effectiveness of EU public procurement law in practice and to steer Member States towards the mutual exchange and eventual adoption of best practices,[2] the European Commission has identified the emerging trend of creating public contracts registers as an area of increasing interest.[3] Such registers go beyond the well-known electronic portals of information on public contract opportunities, such as TED[4] at EU level or Contracts Finder in the UK,[5] and aim to publish very detailed tender and contractual information, which in some cases include aspects of the competition generated prior to the award of the contract (such as names of the undertakings that submitted tenders) and the actual contractual documents signed by the parties. Such registers exist at least in Portugal,[6] Italy[7] and Slovakia.[8] The European Commission is interested in assessing the benefits and risks that such public contracts registers generate, particularly in terms of transparency of public tendering and the subsequent management of public contracts. This discussion non-paper aims to assess such benefits and risks and to sketch some proposals for risk mitigation measures.

Why are public contract registries created?
Traditional registers of contract opportunities are fundamentally based on transaction cost theory insights and aim to reduce the search costs that undertakings face in trying to identify opportunities to supply the public sector. By making the information readily available, contracting authorities expect to receive expressions of interest and/or offers from a larger number of undertakings, thus increasing competition for public contracts and reducing the information asymmetries that affect contracting authorities themselves. In the end, that sort of pre-award transparency mechanism aims at enabling the contracting authority to benefit from competition. It also creates the additional benefit of avoiding favouritism and corrupt practices in the selection of public suppliers and, in the context of the EU’s internal market, supports the anti-discrimination agenda embedded in the basic fundamental freedoms of movement of goods, services and capital through pan-European advertisement.

The justification for ‘advanced’ public contracts registers that include post-award transparency mechanisms is more complex and, in short, this type of registers is created for a number of reasons that mainly include objectives at two different levels:

1. At a general level, these registers aim at
  • Reacting to perceived shortcomings in public governance, particularly in the aftermath of corruption scandals, or as part of efforts to strengthen public administration processes
  • Complementing ‘traditional’ public audit and oversight mechanisms through enhanced access to information by stakeholders and civil society organisations, as well as enabling more intense scrutiny by the press, in the hope of ‘private-led’ oversight and audit. The possibilities that digitisation and big data create in this area of public governance are a significant driver or steer to the development of these registers.[9]
2. At a specific level, these registers aim at
  • Facilitating contract management oversight and creating an additional layer of public exposure of contract-related decision-making, thus expanding the scope of procurement transparency beyond the award phase
  • Facilitating private enforcement of public procurement rules by allowing interested parties to prompt administrative and/or judicial review of specific procurement decisions,[10] both pre-award and during the execution phase
Generally, then, these additional transparency mechanisms are not intended to foster competition. Their main goal and justification is to preserve the integrity of public contract administration and to increase the robustness of anticorruption tools by facilitating social or private oversight. They significantly increase the levels of transparency already achieved through pre-award disclosure mechanisms and, in simple terms, they aim at creating full transparency of public procurement and public contract management, basically for the purposes of legitimising public expenditure by means of increased (expected) accountability as a result of such full transparency and tougher oversight.

Why are public contract registries problematic from a competition perspective?
Public contract registries are problematic precisely due to the levels of transparency they create. Economic theory has conclusively demonstrated that the levels of transparency created by public procurement rules and practices (such as these registers) facilitate collusion and anticompetitive behaviour between undertakings, thus eroding (and potentially negating) the benefits contracting authorities can obtain from organising tenders for public contracts.[11] This is an uncontroversial finding that led the OECD to stress that “[t]he formal rules governing public procurement can make communication among rivals easier, promoting collusion among bidders … procurement regulations may facilitate collusive arrangements”.[12]

The specific reasons why and conditions under which increased transparency facilitates collusion are beyond the scope of this discussion non-paper, but suffice it to stress here that transparency will be particularly pernicious when it allows undertakings that are already colluding to identify the detailed conditions under which they did participate in a particular bid or refrained from participating (by, for instance, disclosing the names of participating tenderers and the specific conditions of the winning tender).[13] Moreover, conditions of full transparency are not only problematic in relation to already existing cartels, but they are also troublesome regarding the creation of new cartels because increased transparency alters the incentives to participate in bid rigging arrangements.[14]

Furthermore, full transparency can also damage competition in industries with strong dominant undertakings. In those settings, transparency may not lead to cartelisation, but it can facilitate exclusionary strategies by the dominant undertaking by allowing them to focus exclusionary practices (such as predatory pricing) in markets or segments of the market where it detects entry by new rivals or innovative tenderers. Even in cases where collusion or price competition may not be a prime issue, full transparency can create qualitative distortions of competition, such as technical levelling[15] or reduced participation due to undertakings’ interest in protecting business secrets (as discussed below). Overall, it is beyond doubt that excessive transparency in public procurement is self-defeating because it erodes or nullifies any benefits derived from the organisation of public tenders.

All these economic insights led the OECD to adopt a formal Recommendation to prompt its members to “assess the various features of their public procurement laws and practices and their impact on the likelihood of collusion between bidders. Members should strive for public procurement tenders at all levels of government that are designed to promote more effective competition and to reduce the risk of bid rigging while ensuring overall value for money”.[16] Thus the impact of increased procurement transparency on the likelihood of collusion and cartelisation in procurement markets, as well as the other potential negative impacts on the intensity or quality of competition, requires closer scrutiny and the competition implications of excessive transparency cannot simply be overseen in the name of anti-corruption goals.[17] Not least, because a large number of cartels discovered and prosecuted by competition authorities involve public procurement markets[18]—which demonstrates that the economic impact of such collusion-facilitative implications of full transparency is not trivial. 

Estimating the economic impact of cartels in public procurement is a difficult task.[19] However, generally accepted estimates always show that the negative economic effect is by no means negligible and that anticompetitive overcharges can easily reach 20% of contract value.[20] Thus, particularly in view of the Europe 2020 goal to ensure ‘the most efficient use of public funds’,[21] issues of excessive transparency in public procurement markets need to be addressed so as to avoid losses of efficiency derived from the abnormal operation of market forces due to procurement rules and practices.

This does not mean that transparency needs to be completely abandoned in the public procurement setting, but a more nuanced approach that accommodates competition concerns is necessary. As has been rightly stressed, “transparency measures should at least be limited to those needed in order to enhance competition and ensure integrity, rather than being promoted as a matter of principle. Transparency should be perceived as a means to an end, rather than a goal in itself”.[22] This is in line with the OECD’s specific recommendation that “[w]hen publishing the results of a tender, [contracting authorities] carefully consider which information is published and avoid disclosing competitively sensitive information as this can facilitate the formation of bid-rigging schemes, going forward”.[23] The final section of this non-paper presents some normative recommendations to that purpose, which highlight much needed restrictions to the promotion of full transparency as a matter of principle.

Are there other reasons why procurement registries can be problematic?
As briefly mentioned above, another source of possible negative impacts derived from public contract registries is their potential chilling effect on undertakings keen to protect their business secrets. It is often stressed that tenders contain sensitive information and that disclosure of that information can damage the commercial interests of bidders if those secrets are at risk of being disclosed through the public contracts registries or otherwise.[24] Thus, undertakings can either decide not to participate in particularly sensitive tenders, or submit offers and documentation in such a way as to keep their secrets concealed, hence diminishing their quality or increasing the information cost/asymmetry that the contracting authority needs to overcome in their assessment. Either way, these business secret protective strategies reduce the intensity and quality of the competition. Moreover, transparency of certain elements of human resources-related information (particularly in view of the increasing importance of work teams in the area of services procurement) not only can trigger data protection concerns,[25] but also facilitate unfair business practices such as the poaching of key employees.

However, despite the clear existence of business secret and commercial interest justifications for the preservation of certain levels of secrecy, there is a tendency to minimise the relevance of these issues by creating a private interest-public interest dichotomy and stressing the relevance of public (anti-corruption) goals. This is problematic. What is often overlooked is that contracting authorities have themselves a commercial interest in keeping business secrets protected. That interest derives immediately from their need to minimise the abovementioned chilling effect (ie not crowding out or scaring away undertakings wary of excessive disclosure), so that competition remains as strong as possible. And such interest in avoiding excessive disclosure also derives, in the mid to long-term, from the need not to thwart innovation by means of technical levelling or de facto standard setting.

These issues were recently well put in the context of UK litigation concerning a freedom of information request that the contracting authority rejected on the basis of relevant business secret and commercial interest protection. As clarified by the First Tier Tribunal,
There is a public interest in maintaining an efficient competitive market for leisure management systems. If the commercial secrets of one market entity were revealed, its competitive position would be eroded and the whole market would be less competitive. As the Court of Appeal put it in Veolia ES Nottinghamshire Ltd v Nottinghamshire County Council and others [2012] P.T.S.R. 185 at [111], a company’s confidential information is often “the life blood of an enterprise”. The [Information Commissioner’s Office] argued that this is particularly so in an industry such as the provision of leisure management systems because such systems are a complex amalgam of technologies, customer support networks, and user interfaces, which involve elements individual to particular companies. Those individual elements drive competition to the benefit of public authorities and consumers.[26]
Thus, the protection of business secrets and commercial interests should not be seen as a limitation of the public (anti-corruption) interest in the benefit of private interests, but as a balancing exercise between two competing public interest goals: efficiency and integrity of procurement. Once this realignment of goals is understood, restrictions of public procurement transparency based on competition considerations should receive support also from a public governance perspective.

A final consideration in terms of potential negative impacts of public contract registries derives from the way they are financed. At least in the case of Italy, economic operators are required to pay fees towards the funding of the relevant public contract registry when they first participate in any given tender. This becomes a financial burden linked to procurement participation that can have clear chilling effects, particularly for SMEs with limited financial resources. It is widely accepted that financial barriers to participation should be suppressed as a matter of best practice[27]—and, in certain occasions, as a matter of compliance with internal market regulation as well. Thus, the creation of any sort of public contract registry which funding requires upfront payments from interested undertakings should not be favoured.

How could competition and confidentiality concerns be embedded in the design of public contract registries, so that their risks are minimised?

The discussion above supports a nuanced approach to the level of transparency actually created by public contract registries, which needs to fall short of the full transparency paradigm in which they have been conceived and started to be implemented. As a functional criterion, only the information that is necessary to ensure proper oversight and the effectiveness of anti-corruption measures should be disclosed, whereas the information that can be most damaging for competition should be withheld. 

Generally, what is needed is more granularity in the levels of information that are made accessible to different stakeholders. The current full transparency approach whereby all information is made available to everyone falls very short from the desired balance between transparency and competition goals of public procurement. A system based on enabling or targeted transparency, whereby each stakeholder gets access to the information it needs for a specific purpose, is clearly preferable.

In more specific terms, the following normative recommendations are subjected to further discussion. They are by no means exhaustive and simply aim to specify the sort of nuanced approach to disclosure of public procurement information that is hereby advocated.

  • Public contract registers should not be fully available to the public. Access to the full registry should be restricted to public sector officials under a strong duty of confidentiality protected by appropriate sanctions in cases of illegitimate disclosure.
  • Even within the public sector, access to the full register should be made available on a need to know basis. Oversight entities, such as the audit court or the competition authority, should have full access. However, other entities or specific civil servants should only access the information they require to carry out their functions.
  • Limited versions of the public contract registry that are made accessible to the public should aggregate information by contracting authority and avoid disclosing any particulars that could be traced back to specific tenders or specific undertakings.
  • Representative institutions, such as third sector organisations, or academics should have the opportunity of seeking access to the full registry on a case by case basis where they can justify a legitimate or research-related interest. In case of access, ethical approval shall be obtained, anonymization of data attempted, and specific confidentiality requirements duly imposed.
  • Delayed access to the full public registry could also be allowed for, provided there are sufficient safeguards to ensure that historic information does not remain relevant for the purposes of protecting market competition, business secrets and commercial interests.
  • Tenderers should have access to their own records, even if they are not publicly-available, so as to enable them to check their accuracy. This is particularly relevant if public contract registries are used for the purposes of assessing past performance under the new rules.
  • Big data should be published on an anonymised basis, so that general trends can be analysed without enabling ‘reverse engineering’ of information that can be traced to specific bidders.
  • The entity in charge of the public contracts registry should regularly publish aggregated statistics by type of procurement procedure, object of contract, or any other items deemed relevant for the purposes of public accountability of public buyers (such as percentages of expenditure in green procurement, etc).
  • The entity in charge of the public contracts registry should develop a system of red flag indicators and monitor them with a view to reporting instances of potential collusion to the relevant competition authority.


[1] Senior Lecturer in Law, University of Bristol Law School and Member of the European Commission Stakeholder Expert Group on Public Procurement (E02807) (2015-2018). This paper has been prepared for discussion within the Expert Group, following an initial exchange of ideas in the meeting held in Brussels on 14 September 2015. The views presented on this paper are my own and in no way bind any of the abovementioned institutions. Comments and suggestions welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.
[2] For discussion of this regulatory and governance approach in the area of public procurement, see C Harlow and R Rawlings, Process and Procedure in EU Administration (Oxford, Hart, 2014) 142-169.
[3] Point 2 ‘’contract registers to enhance full transparency of data related to public procurement”, included in the agenda for the Stakeholder Expert Group on Public Procurement of 14 September 2015, available at http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/publicprocurement/docs/expert-group/150914-agenda_en.pdf.
[4] Tenders Electronic Daily (TED) http://ted.europa.eu/TED/main/HomePage.do.
[6] Base: Contratos Publicos Online, http://www.base.gov.pt/Base/pt/Homepage.
[7] Banca Dati Nazionale dei Contratti pubblici, http://portaletrasparenza.avcp.it/microstrategy/html/index.htm.
[8] A case study based on the Slovakian Online Central Register of Contracts is available at https://joinup.ec.europa.eu/community/epractice/case/slovakian-online-central-register-contracts.
[9] See eg the efforts of the Sunlight Foundation by means of its Procurement Open Data Guidelines http://sunlightfoundation.com/procurement/opendataguidelines. See also the Open Contracting Data Standard project http://standard.open-contracting.org/.
[10] For discussion, see A Sanchez-Graells, “The Difficult Balance between Transparency and Competition in Public Procurement: Some Recent Trends in the Case Law of the European Courts and a Look at the New Directives” (November 2013), http://ssrn.com/abstract=2353005.
[11] A Sanchez-Graells, Public Procurement and the EU Competition Rules, 2nd edn (Oxford, Hart, 2015) 73-75.
[12] OECD, Public Procurement: Role of Competition Authorities (2007) 7, available at http://www.oecd.org/competition/cartels/39891049.pdf. For discussion, see A Sanchez-Graells, “Prevention and Deterrence of Bid Rigging: A Look from the New EU Directive on Public Procurement”, in G Racca & C Yukins (eds), Integrity and Efficiency in Sustainable Public Contracts (Brussels, Bruylant, 2014) 171-198, available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=2053414.
[13] For discussion, see A Heimler, “Cartels in Public Procurement” (2012) 8(4) Journal of Competition Law & Economics 849-862 and SE Weishaar, Cartels, Competition and Public Procurement. Law and Economics Approaches to Bid Rigging (Cheltenham, Edward Elgar, 2013) 28-36.
[14] P Gugler, “Transparency and Competition Policy in an Imperfectly Competitive World”, in J Forssbaeck & L Oxelheim (eds), Oxford Handbook of Economic and Institutional Transparency (Oxford, OUP, 2014) 144, 150.
[15] Sanchez-Graells, Public Procurement and the EU Competition Rules (n 11) 76.
[16] OECD, Recommendation on Fighting Bid Rigging in Public Procurement (2012), available at http://www.oecd.org/daf/competition/RecommendationOnFightingBidRigging2012.pdf. For discussion, see A Sanchez-Graells, “Public Procurement and Competition: Some Challenges Arising from Recent Developments in EU Public Procurement Law”, in C Bovis (ed), Research Handbook on European Public Procurement (Cheltenham, Elgar, 2016). Available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=2206502.
[17] For discussion, see RD Anderson, WE Kovacic and AC Muller, ‘Ensuring integrity and competition in public procurement markets: a dual challenge for good governance’ in S Arrowsmith & RD Anderson (eds), The WTO Regime on Government Procurement: Challenge and Reform (CUP, 2011) 681-718.
[18] This is true in all jurisdictions. See KL Haberbush, “Limiting the Government’s Exposure to Bid Rigging Schemes: A Critical Look at the Sealed Bidding Regime” (2000–2001) 30 Public Contract Law Journal 97, 98; and RD Anderson & WE Kovacic, ‘Competition Policy and International Trade Liberalisation: Essential Complements to Ensure Good Performance in Public Procurement Markets’ (2009) 18 Public Procurement Law Review 67. See also A Sanchez-Graells, “Public Procurement: A 2014 Updated Overview of EU and National Case Law” (2014). e-Competitions: National Competition Laws Bulletin, No. 40647. Available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=1968371.
[19] See the debate around the proposal to create a rebuttable presumption of overcharge at 20% in the Directive on actions for breach of the EU antitrust rules; Commission Staff Working Document SWD(2013) 203 final para 88, http://ec.europa.eu/competition/antitrust/actionsdamages/impact_assessment_en.pdf. However, given the controversy on specific figures, the final version of Art 17 of Directive 2014/104 includes an unquantified presumption. Directive 2014/104/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 26 November 2014 on certain rules governing actions for damages under national law for infringements of the competition law provisions of the Member States and of the European Union [2014] OJ L 349/1.
[20] For a very modest estimation of cartel overcharges in the environment of 17%, see M Boyer & R Kotchoni, “How Much Do Cartels Overcharge?” (2014) Toulouse School of Economics Working Paper TSE‐462, available at http://www.tse-fr.eu/sites/default/files/medias/doc/wp/etrie/wp_tse_462_v2.pdf.
[21] Communication from the Commission of 3 March 2010, Europe 2020 A strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth, COM (2010) 2020 final para 4.3, p. 24, available at http://ec.europa.eu/eu2020/pdf/COMPLET%20EN%20BARROSO%20%20%20007%20-%20Europe%202020%20-%20EN%20version.pdf. For discussion, see A Sanchez-Graells, “Truly competitive public procurement as a Europe 2020 lever: what role for the principle of competition in moderating horizontal policies?” (2016) 22(2) European Public Law Journal, available at http://ssrn.com/abstract=2638466.
[22] RD Anderson and AC Muller, “Promoting Competition and Deterring Corruption in Public Procurement markets: Synergies with Trade Liberalization”, draft paper to be published in the "E15 Expert Group on Competition Policy" (a joint initiative/facility of the World Economic Forum and the International Centre for Trade and Sustainable Development) 13 (on file with author).
[23] OECD, Guidelines for Fighting Bid Rigging in Public Procurement (2009) 7, available at http://www.oecd.org/competition/cartels/42851044.pdf.
[24] For discussion, see C Ginter, N Parrest & M-A Simovart, “Requirement to Protect Business Secrets and Disclose Procurement Contracts under Procurement Law” (2013) IX Juridica 658-665.
[25] These are beyond the scope of this discussion non-paper.
[26] Sally Ballan v Information Commissioner EA/2015/0021 (28 July 2015) para [25(c)], available at http://www.informationtribunal.gov.uk/DBFiles/Decision/i1609/Ballan,%20Sally%20EA.2015.0021%20%2828.07.15%29.pdf.
[27] Sanchez-Graells, Public Procurement and the EU Competition Rules (n 11) 280-281.

CJEU rubber stamps Italian minimum tariffs for certification in public procurement, subject to proportionality (C-327/12)


In its Judgment of 12 December 2013 in case C-327/12 Soa Nazionale Costruttori, the Court of Justice of the EU has followed rather closely AG Cruz Villalon's Opinion (commented here) and declared that a scheme of compulsory minimum tariffs for certification services supplied to undertakings seeking to participate in procedures for the award of public contracts is not per se contrary to EU competition and free movement rules, always provided that it is not disproportionate (which determination it referred back to the domestic courts).
 
One of the remarkable features of the Judgment is the level of detail in which the CJEU has summarised its State action doctrine. In this useful reminder, the CJEU has stressed that
37 [...] although it is true that Articles 101 TFEU and 102 TFEU are concerned solely with the conduct of undertakings and not with laws or regulations emanating from Member States, those articles, read in conjunction with Article 4(3) TEU, which lays down a duty of cooperation between the European Union and the Member States, none the less require the latter not to introduce or maintain in force measures, even of a legislative or regulatory nature, which may render ineffective the competition rules applicable to undertakings (see Joined Cases C‑94/04 and C‑202/94 Cipolla and Others [2006] ECR I‑11421, paragraph 46, and Case C‑393/08 Sbarigia [2010] ECR I‑6337, paragraph 31).

38 Articles 101 TFEU or 102 TFEU, read in conjunction with Article 4(3) TEU, are infringed where a Member State requires or encourages the adoption of agreements, decisions or concerted practices contrary to Article 101 TFEU or reinforces their effects, or where it divests its own rules of the character of legislation by delegating to private economic operators responsibility for taking decisions affecting the economic sphere, or requires or encourages abuses of a dominant position (see, to that effect, Cipolla and Others, paragraph 47)
[C-327/12 at paras 37-38, emphasis added].
Further than this, and after dismissing the applicability of the State action doctrine on the basis of a lack of evidence of the existence of such effects--which is at least questionable where we are in presence of a de facto agreement on minimum prices between certification entities--the CJEU rejects the application of Art 106 TFEU on the basis that the authorisation given by the Italian State to the certification entities is not an exclusive or special right because there is no numerus clausus of authorisations. On this point, the CJEU must be praised for sticking to its stated case law in Ambulanz Glockner and not accepting the rather counterintuitive remarks made by the AG in his Opinion (criticised here).
 
Finally, and looking at the compatibility with freedom of establishment rules (art 49 TFEU), in the Soa Nazionale Construttori Judgment, the CJEU has followed very closely the Opinion of the Advocate General and accepted some premises for the existence of mandatory public procurement certification schemes subject to (non-disproportionate) minimum tariffs that I find objectionable. In particular, I think that the CJEU should have avoided declaring such a system adequate to protect a public interest in the following terms:
59 A restriction on the freedom of establishment may be justified where it serves overriding requirements relating to the public interest, is suitable for securing the attainment of the objective which it pursues and does not go beyond what is necessary in order to attain it (see DKV Belgium, paragraph 38).
60 Unionsoa and the Italian Government consider that the national legislation at issue in the main proceedings seeks to ensure the independence of SOAs and the quality of the certification services which they supply. Competition between SOAs at the level of tariffs negotiated with their customers and the possibility of fixing those tariffs at a very low level would risk compromising their independence with respect to those customers and having a negative impact on the quality of the certification services.
61 In that regard, it must be observed that the public interest in the protection of recipients of services can justify a restriction on the freedom of establishment (see Case C‑451/03 Servizi Ausiliari Dottori Commercialisti [2006] ECR I‑2941, paragraph 38).
62 In this case, first, SOAs are entrusted with certification of undertakings, receipt of an appropriate certificate being a necessary condition in order for the undertakings concerned to participate in public works contracts. In that context, the Italian legislation seeks to ensure the lack of any commercial or financial interest such as to result in unimpartial or discriminatory behaviour on the part of SOAs with regard to those undertakings.
63 Secondly, as is apparent from the order for reference, SOAs may only carry out certification activities. Moreover, they are required, in accordance with national legislation, to have resources and procedures suitable for ensuring that their services are carried out effectively and in good faith.
64 It is with a view to protecting the recipients of the services that the independence of SOAs vis-à-vis the specific interests of their customers is particularly important. A certain restriction of the possibility to negotiate the prices of services with those customers is likely to strengthen their independence.
65 In those circumstances, it must be held, as the Advocate General essentially stated in point 58 of his Opinion, that the setting of minimum tariffs for the supply of such services is intended, in principle, to ensure the quality of those services and it is suitable for attaining the objective of protecting the recipients of those services [C-327/12 at paras 59-65, emphasis added].
In my view, the CJEU's position is exceedingly lenient. Particularly if one takes into consideration that the ultimate "beneficiaries" of the certification services (i.e.the Italian contracting authorities) cannot impose the provision of those certificates to all entities willing to participate in their tenders for public contracts. Under Art 52(5) of Directive 2004/18 (the same provision that allows for the creation of certification entities such as the Italian SOAs) it is clearly stated that 'economic operators from other Member States may not be obliged to undergo such registration or certification in order to participate in a public contract. The contracting authorities shall recognise equivalent certificates from bodies established in other Member States. They shall also accept other equivalent means of proof' (emphasis added). So, even if only in relation to non-national undertakings, it is clear that contracting authorities need to retain independent capacity to assess alternative methods of proof of suitability of tenderers. Moreover, under Art 52(4), contracting authorities can challenge the certifications (or the information derived therefrom) as long as they have a sufficient reason to distrust it. Therefore, their reliance on the certificates (of domestic) tenderers is not intended to be acritical or necessarily automatic if there are reasons that justify a request for further information.
 
Consequently, the creation of systems of mandatory certification seem to protect a weak public interest inasmuch as they are simply a mechanism of administrative simplification (or red tape reduction). If this is borne in mind, the reasoning based on the independence of the certifying entities and the need to set minimum prices in order to preserve it so that contracting authorities' interests are sufficiently protected seems to fade away rather quickly.
 
Moreover, the CJEU's lukewarm approach to the proportionality of the Italian minimum certification tariffs (which is limited to indicate that 'It is for the referring court to determine whether, in the light of, inter alia, the method of calculating the minimum tariffs, particularly in the light of the number of categories of work for which the certificate is drawn up, that national legislation goes beyond what is necessary to attain that objective', para 69) does not establish a sufficiently clear indication of the lack of proportionality of a system that, effectively, forces (!) certification entities to charge larger sums for exactly the same amount of work depending on the number of contracts the certified undertaking wants to tender for. In this regard, the Opinon of Advocate General Cruz Villalon is much more detailed and convincing.
 
All in all, in my view, this is a formally correct and substantially very deficient Judgment of the CJEU, and one that keeps a very formal approach to restrictions on free movement (as the CJEU has only looked at restrictions on the freedom of establishment, forgetting completely about the implications of the system on the free movement of goods and free provision of services subjected to the EU public procurement rules). A more holistic and funcional approach would have been preferable.

GC on non-disclosure of ECB documents: Carte blanche to public market manipulation? (T-590/10)

Today's Judgment of the General Court of the EU in case T-590/10 Gabi Thesing and Bloomberg Finance LP v ECB has provided clarification on the reasons that the ECB (and, by analogy, other EU Institutions) can provide to reject a request of access to its documents. The GC has backed the ECB in its non-disclosure decision on the basis of the protection of public interest and has adopted a broad view of such an exception. 

In general terms, the position of the ECB and the GC seem appropriate to grant  sufficient administrative discretion to the EU Institutions in their assessment of the public interest at stake. However, the specifics of the GC Judgment are a bit troubling, if one takes the position of the GC to its logical extreme. In my view, the following bears emphasizing:
43 [...] the ECB must be recognised as enjoying a wide discretion for the purpose of determining whether the disclosure of documents relating to the fields covered by that exception could undermine the public interest. The European Union judicature’s review of the legality of such a decision must therefore be limited to verifying whether the procedural rules and the duty to state reasons have been complied with, whether the facts have been accurately stated, and whether there has been a manifest error of assessment or a misuse of powers (see, by analogy, Case C‑266/05 P Sison v Council [2007] ECR I‑1233, paragraph 34). [...]
45 [...] with respect to the applicants’ arguments that the ECB incorrectly failed to take account of the public interest considerations in favour of disclosure and that there is a compelling public interest for disclosure of the documents at issue which would in fact further the public interest, the Court notes that the exceptions to the right of access to documents provided for in Article 4(1)(a) of Decision 2004/258 are framed in mandatory terms. It follows that the ECB is obliged to refuse access to documents falling under any one of those exceptions once the relevant circumstances are shown to exist, and no weighing up of an ‘overriding public interest’ is provided for in that provision, in contrast with the exceptions referred to in Article 4(2) and (3) of that decision (see, by analogy, Joined Cases T‑3/00 and T‑337/04 Pitsiorlas v Council and ECB [2007] ECR II‑4779, paragraph 227 and the case-law cited). [...]
51 As regards the issue whether disclosure of the first document would specifically and effectively undermine the protected interest in question, it is common ground [...] that, at the time of the adoption of the contested decision, the European financial markets were in a very vulnerable environment. The stability of those markets was fragile, in particular, because of the economic and financial situation of the Hellenic Republic. It is also common ground that that situation and the related sales of Greek financial assets were causing strong depreciations in the value of those assets, which also triggered losses for Greek and other European holders. The applicants did not dispute that that development had the potential of leading to negative spillover effects on the solvency and funding conditions of other issuers and countries in the euro area. In such an environment, it is clear that market participants use the information disclosed by central banks and that their analyses and decisions are considered a particularly important and reliable source to assess current and prospective financial market developments. Moreover, the ECB was entitled to find that public confidence is an essential element affecting the proper functioning of the financial markets. The ECB was not indeed contradicted in this respect by the applicants. [...]
56 [...] the fact that, on 21 October 2010, the data contained in the first document were outdated and that they gave only a snapshot of the factual situation at the time that the document was drafted does not permit the conclusion that, in the event of disclosure of that document, financial market participants would also have regarded as outdated and therefore of no value ECB staff assumptions and views regarding the impact of off-market swaps on government deficit and on government debt which are contained in that document.
57 Although it is true that those participants are professionals who can be expected to use information taken from documents in the context of their work, the fact remains that they consider assumptions and views originating from the ECB to be particularly important and reliable for assessing the financial market. It cannot reasonably be precluded that, even if those assumptions and views were made on the basis of data available well before 21 October 2010, they would have been regarded as still valid on that date. Moreover, it can be assumed that, by relying on those assumptions and views that were based on a certain known factual situation, those professionals might have inferred, on the basis of additional data, assumptions and views allegedly held by the ECB regarding the government deficit and government debt at the time that the ECB definitively refused access to that document. In this respect, any clarification by the ECB on the disclosed version of that document, indicating that the information contained therein was no longer up to date, would not have been able to prevent disclosure of that document from misleading the public and financial market participants in particular on the situation regarding the government deficit and government debt as assessed by the ECB.
58 In the light of the very vulnerable environment in which the financial markets found themselves at the time of adoption of the contested decision, the assessment that such an error would undermine the economic policy of the Union and the Hellenic Republic cannot be rejected as manifestly incorrect. Indeed, such an error might have had negative consequences on access, in particular for that Member State, to the financial markets and might therefore have affected the effective conduct of economic policy in the Hellenic Republic and the Union. (T-590/10, paras 43 to 58, emphasis added).
In my view, to put it clearly, the reasoning of the GC diminishes the analytical capacity of the financial sector and disregards the ability of professional financial advisors and analysts to separate the chaff from the grain and boldly assumes that panic and shortsightedness would have dominated the analysis of the documents which disclosure was requested (a rather strong assumption, at any rate). Moreover, in its analysis of the cumulative impact that disclosure may have had, the GC basically opposes all basic tenets that financial markets can only work effectively on the basis of full disclosure of any potentially relevant information [an assumption that, on the other hand, is strongly defended under EU rules on market abuse]. 

All in all, in an (acknowledged) extreme reading of the GC's Thesing Judgment, the ECB (and other EU Institutions) may have been given carte blanche to manipulate financial markets (by withholding information) if they deem such manipulation in the public interest. That can surely not be acceptable under EU Law. Therefore, a correction of the Thesing broad reasoning seems desirable, in order to keep any degree of effectiveness in the provisions of article 15 TFEU -- and so that everything is not effectively lost in the field of EU governance.