UK tenderers' access to procurement by EU agencies: when the EU is also protectionist

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One of the often overlooked implications of Brexit is that, despite the UK’s accession to the WTO GPA and the procurement chapter of the EU-UK TCA, UK companies are practically left out of the procurement procedures carried out by the decentralised and executive EU agencies—despite the obligation of National treatment of locally established suppliers (Art 288), which would only apply to UK suppliers ‘established in [the EU’s] territory through the constitution, acquisition or maintenance of a legal person’. This is a result of the UK tenderers being treated as third country operators for these purposes.

The current advice of the European Commission (DG BUDGET) to those agencies is that participation by UK tenderers in public procurement procedures governed by Regulation 2018/1046 to which the EU-UK Withdrawal Agreement does not apply is to be treated as exceptional, as follows:

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So it is fair to stress that the EU is as protectionist of its public funds as the next trading partner …

More UK procurement deregulation proposals, this time for healthcare [catching up with the proposed new provider selection regime for NHS England]

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I came back from shared parental leave a couple of weeks ago and have been trying to catch up with the last six months’ worth of developments in the regulation of procurement in the UK and the EU. I do not even dare write down the list of instruments and proposals to consider … It seems that it has been a half year full of procurement news. I hope you have all been keeping well and abreast of so much change!

One of the relatively recent developments is the February 2021 proposal for the replacement of the current rules on the commissioning of healthcare services for the purposes of the English national health service (NHS England) with a new provider selection regime (‘the proposal’). There was a public consultation on the proposal that closed in April, so I am coming late to the party. However, I think there is still some point in jotting down a few critical comments, as the likelihood that the future secondary legislation deviates from the proposal seems minimal.

Background

By way of background, it is worth saying that NHS commissioning is a peculiar procurement activity resulting from the creation of an NHS internal market in the 1990s with the aim of harnessing market incentives and competition-based governance to improve the efficiency of the English healthcare system (see here). NHS commissioning takes place in a largely in-house environment where NHS buyers commission services primarily from NHS suppliers, but also with mixed private participation by both for-profit and third sector providers (for further background, you can watch here). Discussion of the rules on NHS commissioning is always tarnished by the linked controversy on the privatisation of the NHS (for a good explainer, see here).

NHS commissioning is currently subjected to both the Public Procurement Regulations 2015 (PCR2015, aka the UK’s copy-out transposition of Directive 2014/24/EU) and the National Health Service (Procurement, Patient Choice and Competition) (No. 2) Regulations 2013. The proposal seeks to take NHS commissioning out of the scope of application of the PCR2015 — which is possible, given the exclusion of healthcare services from the UK’s schedules of coverage under the WTO GPA, as well as the explicit exclusion of healthcare services from the EU-UK TCA (see Annex 25) — and to repeal the 2013 Regs. NHS Commissioning would then be subjected to a new provider selection regime described (at a high level of generality) in the proposal.

The proposal thus continues with the de-regulatory approach already taken in the 2019 legislative proposals to implement the NHS Long-term Plan, and seeks to dismantle large chunks of the market-based regulation of the NHS internal market, which is a political aspiration of both current UK Government and opposition and, to some extent, is also seen as a Brexit dividend — though I have argued it is not, and that the proposal is undesirable, not least because most of what it seeks to achieve is possible under the current EU-based procurement rules of the PCR2015 (see here). It should be noted that the proposal runs in parallel to the also de-regulatory approach underpinning the December 2020 green paper Transforming Public Procurement [on which see here, here, and here, while we wait for the Government’s response to the public consultation].

Key elements of the proposal

In a nutshell, the proposal seeks to debunk tendering as the sole (or rather, primary, for there are exceptions in reg.32 PCR2015) mechanism for the award of healthcare contracts, and to create three routes to contract award (for a quick overview see e.g. here, or here). This is the first fundamental area of change in the proposal, which would create an ‘NHS-specific’ set of procurement rules. Those ‘new’ routes would be: (route 1) contractual extension/renewal with the incumbent provider; (route 2) NHS commissioner’s non-competitive unilateral determination of the most suitable provider; and (route 3) competitive procurement. Competitive procurement would not necessarily be tightly regulated in detail, but rather subjected to some principles or basic requirements detailed in the proposal (point 5.9), which would require decision-making bodies to:

  • have regard to relevant best practice and guidance; for example, HM Treasury’s managing public money guidance

  • ensure the process is transparent, open and fair (original emphasis)

  • ensure that any provider that has an interest in providing the service is not part of any decision-making process (...)

  • formally advertise an opportunity for interested providers to express interest in providing the service

  • compare providers against the criteria set out in the regime and any other relevant factors, and according to any hierarchy of importance they decide is necessary – which must be published in advance

  • publish their intention to award the contract with a suitable notice period (eg 4–6 weeks unless a shorter period is required due to the urgency of the case).

In choosing across routes and in making decisions within a given route, commissioners would have to ‘ensure that services are arranged in the best interests of patients, taxpayers and the population’, and would have to follow the ‘key criteria’ of: (a) Quality (safety, effectiveness and experience) and innovation; (b) Value; (c) Integration and collaboration; (d) Access, inequalities and choice; and (e) Service sustainability and social value. Each of these criteria are explained in more detail in the proposal’s Annex.

Other than compliance with the above key criteria, the regime would primarily only impose transparency (and standstill) obligations on NHS commissioners (see part 8 of the proposal). This is the second fundamental area of change in the proposal. Notably, ‘Where contracts are being continued or rolled over, or a change in providers is being considered, decision-making bodies must publish their intended approach in advance’ (point 8.2). Specifically, commissioners have a duty to publish their intended decisions ‘with a suitable notice period (eg 4–6 weeks unless a shorter period is required due to the urgency of the case)’ in all cases, save (apparently) in the rollover of contracts to incumbent providers where the type of service means there is no alternative provision (point 5.5.A), or where the alternative provision is already available to patients through other means such as the exercise of patient choice (point 5.5.B).

During that notice (and standstill) period, ‘representations can be made to the decision-making body once it has published its decision. Judicial review would be available for providers that want to challenge the lawfulness of the decision’ (point 8.3). The proposal further establishes that ‘If representations objecting to the process or outcome are received from other providers in that time, the decision-making body must: i. discuss the issue with the providers or their representatives[; and] ii. publish a response to the objections before the award, setting out its decision to either: (a) not to proceed with the contract award as intended and reconsider its process and/or decision; or (b) award the contract as intended and publish reasons for so proceeding as part of the contract award procedure’ (point 8.6). Presumably, the avenue to judicial review challenges open up here — as disappointed providers can reasonably be expected to exhaust the possibility of complaining to the commissioner before launching legal proceedings.

Comments on the ‘three route’ model

Tendering optionality. Under the proposal, competitive tendering would become optional for NHS commissioners: ‘It would be for the decision-making body to decide when a competitive procurement is the most appropriate means to select a provider‘ (point 5.9). Further, in general, there is a strong anti-tendering narrative underpinning the proposal that somewhat comes to make competitive tendering the mechanism of last resort — to be applied only where ‘after considering the key criteria the decision-making body does not identify a single candidate that is the most suitable provider, and/or concludes that the most suitable provider can only be identified by carrying out a competitive procurement‘ (ibid). This seems to leave open the possibility for a commissioner unable to identify a single best candidate to still consider that tendering is not the way to identify it — in which case there could be space for a ‘fourth’, completely unregulated, route to contract award (surely that is not the intention, though!). Additional, clear (and restrictive) criteria supporting a decision not to use competitive tendering seem necessary.

Rolling out contracts. Why create such a regulatory black hole? From a practical perspective, the main problem with route 1 (direct award of a contract extension/renewal) is that it covers two very different sets of circumstances. One where the optionality of tendering is uncontroversial, and one where it can be extremely problematic.

Regarding the first set of circumstances, it should be stressed that two of the grounds for the use of direct contractual extension/renewal with the incumbent provider (route 1) already exclude the need for a tender under the current rules. Where there there is no alternative provision (route 1A), there is no obligation to tender (see reg.32(2)(b)(ii) CR2015). Where the service is to be provided under a patient choice mechanism (ie where specific choice is not exercised by the commissioner), the inclusion of providers in the relevant ‘any qualified provider’ list is not covered by the scope of the procurement rules (reg. 2 PCR2015, incorporating the definition of “procurement” in Art 1(2) Dir 2014/24, as interpreted by the CJEU in Falk Pharma and Tirkkonen). Moreover, the proposal includes specific rules on the management of such lists (points 7.7 and 7.8).

Conversely, route 1C encompasses a set of circumstances that makes the possibility of a direct award quite worrying and potentially very problematic. Indeed, route 1C foresees that ‘If a decision-maker wants to continue with existing arrangements, they may do so where: … C) The incumbent provider/group of providers is judged to be doing a sufficiently good job (ie delivering against the key criteria in this regime) and the service is not changing, so there is no overall value in seeking another provider’ (point 5.5, emphasis added). The test for establishing that a provider is ‘doing a sufficiently good job’ not only seems too open-ended (it may be the informality with which this part of the proposal is drafted), but also defies logic.

If the incumbent’s contract was designed to deliver against the regime’s key criteria (and it should otherwise not be in place, to begin with), compliance with the contract cannot be grounds for its renewal. It should be the other way around: failure to meet the contractual requirements should lead to contract renegotiation or termination. But the mere fact that a contract is being complied with should not generate legal grounds for its (indefinite) extension. Not least because the opportunities for rent-seeking and corruption that this option generates are precisely the reason why public contracts cannot be perpetual and why there have to be external checks on both the commissioner and the provider.

Moreover, given the transparency and standstill obligations controlling the rollout of contracts, it is very likely that any such arrangement will be challenged by potential alternative suppliers (leading to a waste of time, see below). It is hard to see how a system that is premised on the need for potential alternative suppliers to have to actively challenge (and litigate?) contract rollout benefitting the incumbent provider can be considered a ‘decision-making process that makes space for real collaboration to happen; that does not frustrate integration by creating adversarial relationships’ as the proposal claims to intend (point 1.5). It is hard to see how the judicial review of this type of decision could be effected, as the relevant test (the provider is ‘doing a sufficiently good job’) seems to lay squarely within the technical discretion of the commissioner. If that is true (or once that is established in case law), then there may be no point in challenging or litigating contract rollout, which would simply result in a regulatory black hole.

Are there really alternatives to tendering where there is service change or the incumbent needs to be replaced? Where rolling out contracts is not an option, the optionality of tendering can be doubted in practical terms.

The only way to avoid competitive procurement where ‘the decision-making body is changing a service/existing contract considerably; a brand new service is being arranged; the incumbent no longer wants to or is no longer able to provide the services; or the decision-making body wants to use a different provider’, is for ‘the decision-making body [to have] reasonable grounds to believe that one provider/group of providers is the most suitable provider (which may or may not be the incumbent), they may award the contract directly’ (point 5.8). Reaching this reasonable determination requires the commissioner to ‘be satisfied that they can justify that the provider they are proposing to select is the most suitable provider by reference to the criteria set out in the regime and any other relevant factors, and according to any hierarchy of importance the decision-making body decides is necessary' and 'have carefully considered other potential options/providers within the relevant geographical footprint' (ibid).

How exactly this is possible without the information-revelation process of a competitive tendering is quite difficult to fathom. The proposal seems to presume a level of (dynamic, updated) market intelligence on commissioners that seems quite an implausible standard. Further, such an approach is at odds with the proposal’s stated goal of wanting to promote innovation (indeed, one of the key criteria requires ‘Ensuring decision-making bodies seek to innovate and improve services delivered by either existing or new providers, proactively developing services that are fit for the future’). Innovation must necessarily be co-produced (if not market-led) in this context — as recognised in the Annex to the proposal: ‘Decision-making bodies should give due consideration to any particular innovative approaches offered by providers that could help to deliver better outcomes, and avoid assuming that what is currently provided will match current or future need’. Unless commissioners have a crystal ball, this can only be done through proper market engagement and there is no clear reason why that engagement cannot be effectively channelled through competitive procurement.

Moreover, once again, given the transparency and standstill obligations and the likelihood of challenge, is it reasonable to expect any commissioner to engage in such non-competitive unilateral determination with limited information?

No time to waste, or risk aversion? In both routes 1 and 2, there is a presumption that ‘given that the commissioner knows best’, there is no need to subject contract award to competitive tendering. In the slightly more elegant words of the proposal:

‘In practice, the bulk of current NHS services are arranged without competitive processes or tendering (though this approach is sometimes not without legal risk). There is a justifiable reason for this. … in many circumstances the choice of service provider will be constrained by the nature of the service and its interdependencies with other services. Our proposed regime explicitly recognises this reality and makes it clear that such core NHS services can be arranged without NHS decision-making bodies being pushed through valueless bureaucratic exercises’ (para 5.2).

The real reason for the proposed approach is then not to avoid useless competitive tendering — which is not taking place anyway — but to rid NHS commissioners from legal risk. Well, two comments seem warranted here. The first one is that legal risk is not at all reduced in the proposal. Both routes 1C and 2 are riddled with open-ended legal concepts and commissioners willing to rely on them will have to accept legal risks no smaller than those implicit in findings that a service is to be directly awarded to a sole-source provider (which is presumably the legal risk the proposal indirectly refers to).

The second one is that the way this legal risk is to be excluded — ie via transparency and standstill — can generate a significant delay (of 4 to 6 weeks) in the launch of a competitive tendering procedure where the commissioner’s approach is challenged. A competitive tendering procedure that could, by the way, last less than 6 weeks — were it not for the proposal’s double transparency requirement of advertising the contact opportunity and then also imposing a 4-6 week standstill prior to award (which much extends the current standstill obligation under the PCR2015).

Of course, commissioner’s may decide to dismiss challenges, reaffirm their decisions, and carry on. The question then becomes what remedies are available to disappointed providers at the stage of judicial review. If damages enter the picture (and they may), the accumulated disincentive of delay and liability exposure can hardly provide a more comfortable mix than the current rules — or the foreseen cap on damages for procurement litigation under the green paper proposals, for that matter.

There's more than one way to skin a cat. Much like the green paper, the proposal is deceptively simple in the deregulation of route 3 and the subjection of competitive tendering to minimum principle-based requirements. Given the likelihood that route 3 becomes THE route (other than for 1A and 1B awards), it seems too open-ended for the proposal to solely require that commissioners

  • have regard to relevant best practice and guidance; for example, HM Treasury’s managing public money guidance

  • ensure the process is transparent, open and fair (original emphasis)

  • ensure that any provider that has an interest in providing the service is not part of any decision-making process (...)

  • formally advertise an opportunity for interested providers to express interest in providing the service

  • compare providers against the criteria set out in the regime and any other relevant factors, and according to any hierarchy of importance they decide is necessary – which must be published in advance

Unless the expectation is for a single competitive tendering procedure to be created in secondary legislation — but this is not the obvious implication of the proposal, and would run counter to the approach to eg transposing the rules on the award of social and special services contracts (see reg.76 PCR2015) — each commissioner would be free to create its own procedure. This would in fact subject NHS competitive tendering to the same ‘anti-procedure’ regulation envisaged for the competitive flexible procedure in the green paper. And it would thus open it up to the same criticism, on the basis of the explosion of transaction costs (as well as legal uncertainty) it would create. Allow me a cross-reference to the points made in my response to the green paper’s consultation.

Conclusion

To put it simply, by following the lead of the green paper and seeking to deregulate NHS commissioning, the proposal can generate very negative unwanted effects in terms of the cost, complexity and exposure to challenge and litigation of the system. In my view, it would mainly create an ex ante layer of accountability that (while welcome in principle) would burden commissioners and in most cases result in the tendering of contracts anyway, but subject to under-specified rules. How this can be seen as an improvement over the current situation escapes my imagination.

New interesting paper on green public procurement -- re Halonen (2021)

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Dr Kirsi-Maria Halonen has just published in advanced open access her new paper ‘Is public procurement fit for reaching sustainability goals? A law and economics approach to green public procurement’ (2021) Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law.

This is a very interesting paper that takes a law and economics approach to assess recent proposals to make some aspects of green public procurement mandatory, in particular in the context of the EU Green Deal and its expected implementing measures. The discussion relies on European examples and data, but the insights offered by the paper are relevant to all jurisdictions considering using public procurement to tackle the climate emergency.

The paper is well worth reading in full and, to my mind, makes two main original contributions that should be stressed, as they should carefully be taken into account by anyone seeking to leverage public procurement for environmental goals (or sustainability, more generally) by means of a ‘hardening’ of current soft law approaches—that is, via the imposition of procurement-specific mandatory (green) legal requirements. The following is my understanding of those two main points, which Kirsi presents slightly differently in her paper.

First, the paper warns against blanket approaches that would apply across all areas of public expenditure or, relatedly, across types of procurement specified by reference to relatively random administration-based criteria (eg tenders of a value above a certain amount). The paper evidences how the effectiveness of mandatory requirements will vary by industry and, consequently, how the design of mandatory requirements should not be based on demand-side considerations, but rather on supply-side analysis.

More than ever, the need for sophisticated market intelligence to underpin the design of green procurement requirements comes to the fore. Relatedly, the paper shows that, for some industries (or more generally), it is possible (or likely) that regulatory measures other than mandatory public procurement requirements are more effective in promoting the desired green transition. Consequently, an analysis of alternative policy interventions should be carried out ahead of the imposition of such mandatory requirements.

Second, and more originally, the paper shows that one of the key considerations in assessing the effectiveness of mandatory green public procurement requirements has to be their knock-on effect on private consumption patterns. Relying on substitution policy analysis, the paper makes it plainly clear that changes in public demand for green (or sustainable) products will create a mix of incentives that can well result in the increased consumption of dirty (or unsustainable) goods and services by private consumers (both corporate and individual) as a result of rigidities in the supply side of the relevant markets—which, at best, can be resolved as the green transition advances and, at worse, could be structurally resistant.

This shows how, despite public procurement representing anything between 10% and 20% of most economies, policy interventions that are procurement centric can generate net negative environmental (or social) effects if the remainder of the economy (or rather, part of the rest of the economy) is displaced towards goods and services that do not meet the required standards. This once again brings home the message that procurement-specific interventions may not be the preferable (or even desirable) way to try to tackle the climate emergency and that a broader, supply (or industry)- based assessment of alternative regulatory interventions is necessary.

Taken all insights together, I would read Kirsi’s paper as making a very strong argument that green (or sustainable) public procurement must not be seen as a goal in itself, or as intrinsically desirable, and that a broader embedding of procurement within larger legislative initiatives (eg economy-wide minimum requirements, or the imposition of consumption taxes regardless of the public or private nature of the buyer) is likely to be a better way forward.

I also read the paper as offering a persuasive argument against claims that ‘mandating green procurement is better than doing nothing’, or that ‘green procurement is a low-hanging fruit that should be collected before reaching for more difficult targets like individual consumer behaviour’. Without proper analysis of the substitution effects that mandatory green public procurement requirements can generate, none of that should be taken at face value. Which is interesting because it is exactly the same way broader market dynamics operate in public procurement, and precisely the reason why the desirability of the exercise of public buying power needs to be assessed with caution, regardless of the policy goal it seeks to achieve.

Short comments on the proposed regulation on foreign subsidies distorting the internal market, as it relates to procurement

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The European Commission is currently consulting on its recent Proposal for a Regulation on foreign subsidies distorting the internal market (COM(2021) 223 final, 5 May 2021). The public consultation will be open until 15 July 2021. I have just submitted my views on chapter four of the proposal, which concerns the rules for the analysis of foreign subsidies distorting tenders for contracts with a value above €250 million. The feedback form only allows for 4,000-character submissions, so here are mine. As always, comments welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

The proposed Regulation on foreign subsidies distorting the internal market (RFSDIT) is both (1) undesirable and (2) problematic, in particular as it concerns the investigation of foreign subsidies linked to public procurement procedures. The following is limited to chapter 4.

1. Primarily, ch 4 RFSDIT is undesirable because it adds a layer of scrutiny and red tape that will affect high-value tenders submitted by tenderers from jurisdictions that have either signed up to the WTO Government Procurement Agreement, or that have a plurilateral or bilateral trade agreement covering procurement with the EU. Tenderers from other jurisdictions can already be excluded on the basis of the current rules (see Art 25 Dir 2014/24; Art 43 Dir 2014/25), as emphasised in the Commission's 2019 guidance on the participation of third-country bidders and goods in the EU procurement market. First, the (inadvertent) targeting of GPA- or FTA-originated tenders is in itself undesirable on trade policy terms and could erode third countries' bilateral relationships with the EU within the GPA framework, as well as under the relevant FTA (or the UK TCA) even if those already include subsidy-related provisions. Second, it is also undesirable due to the technical shortcomings of the proposal, as below, as there could be a basis for claims of unequal treatment concerning the non-scrutiny of EU-originated tenders that are tainted by illegal State aid. Finally, it is also undesirable because the ex ante nature of ch 4 screening can dissuade economic operators from participating in public tenders even if they think that subsidies they have received could overcome the tests in Arts 3-5 RFSDIT. Recipients of foreign subsidies may rather forgo their chances of being awarded a public contract than trigger an investigation they could avoid under the general motu proprio regime. Such loss of international competition is to the EU public buyers' detriment.

2. Ch 4 RFSDIT is also highly problematic because of its incompatibility with the mechanisms in the EU procurement Directives, as well as the inconsistency of approach with the rest of the chapters in the RFSDIT. First, the proposed rules are incompatible with the trigger for an investigation of the distortive effects of State aid granted to an EU-based tenderer, which derives from the prima facie abnormally low character of its tender (ALT) (see Art 69 Dir 2014/24). EU-generated non-ALT bids are not screened for receipt of (illegal) State aid, even if they can be 'winning tenders' in a given procedure. As above, this can trigger claims of discrimination against non-EU generated tenders. Second, procurement case law pre-empts tenderers from offering commitments related to the tender at hand to the Commission's satisfaction without materially altering their tenders. Such changes would be impermissible under EU procurement law. This is an inescapable limit, which is partly but insufficiently acknowledged in Art 30(1) RFSDIT. This means that any tender where the Commission found an unbalanced distortion of the internal market would lead to the inevitable exclusion of the tender. This is at odds with the appearance of 'correctability' created by Art 30 RFSDIT. This evidences the inadequacy of applying a merger or State aid control logic to the public procurement context. Third, the relative intensity of the foreign subsidy is much lower for procurement than for concentrations under the RFSDIT. Art 18(3) creates a safe harbour of up to 10% of the value of a concentration. Art 27(2) contains no parallel rule. Thus, Art 3(2) offers the only (soft) safe harbour for procurement, which means that subsidies of 2% or less of the tender value would be caught. The reason for this different treatment under RFSDIT opens it to challenge on proportionality grounds. Moreover, it is unclear how a 2% subsidy could create a situation comparable to that of an ALT, which further reinforces concerns of unequal treatment, as above.

Transatlantic efforts against bid rigging in procurement [free webinar alert]

Prof Chris Yukins and Michael Bowsher QC have put together an excellent webinar on the current approaches to detect and sanction bid rigging in procurement in the US and the EU, as well as the possible future approach the UK may take post-Brexit.

Among other things, the webinar will include discussion of the European Commission’s recent bid rigging exclusion guidance (for initial comments see here).

The webinar will take place on 2 June 3pm CET / 2pm GMT. All welcome. Further details and free registration here.

Interesting proposals for post-Brexit strengthening of UK approach to corruption and collusion in procurement -- re Jones (2021)

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Prof Alison Jones has recently published on early view an interesting paper on ‘Combatting Corruption and Collusion in UK Public Procurement: Proposal for Post‐Brexit Reform’ (2021) Modern Law Review, forthcoming.

The paper provides a very good, comprehensive overview of the current rules and enforcement practices in the UK, their more than likely shortcomings, and four groups of proposals to tighten up the rule book and enforcement approach to the prevention and repression of corruption and bid rigging post-Brexit.

Except for some proposals on the transparency of procurement data (at p 32) and Prof Jones’ faith in the potential of the (now abandoned) ‘Screening for Cartels’ tool — both of which deserve a more in-depth discussion (see eg here on procurement transparency, and here on the SfC tool) — the UK legislator would do well to take these proposals seriously as it progresses in its review of procurement and competition laws post-Brexit.

First thoughts on the Commission's bid rigging exclusion guidance -- what difference will it make?

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On 18 March 2021, the European Commission officially published its Notice on tools to fight collusion in public procurement and on guidance on how to apply the related exclusion ground (the ‘bid rigging exclusion guidance’). This document has been a long time in the making and officially announced almost four years ago, so it is no exaggeration to say that it was keenly awaited (by competition and procurement geeks like yours truly, at least).

The guidance is clearly addressed to contracting authorities — not economic operators — and is distinctly ‘pro exclusion’ in its minimisation of the practical difficulties and legal constraints inherent in the adoption of exclusion decisions. However, even with such clearly programmatic orientation, after a first reading, I have a few thoughts that do not make for an optimistic assessment of the guidance’s likely practical impact.

Mostly, because I do not think the Commission’s bid rigging exclusion guidance provides much by way of actionable practical advice to contracting authorities—and it certainly does not really go beyond already existing guidance, such as the OECD’s 2009 guidelines for fighting bid rigging in public procurement. By contrast with more general documents e.g. the OECD guidance, the Commission’s bid rigging exclusion guidance intends to concentrate on the possibility to exclude operators engaged in the manipulation of a tender. However, it includes lenghty discussion of measures to prevent collusion, as well as complementary measures such as training and data analysis and, when it comes to the specific issues that the interpretation and application of Art 57(4)(d) of Dir 2014/24/EU generates, it is mainly restricted to setting out issues that Member States’ domestic legislation cannot do — rather than focusing on what contracting authorities can (and should) do.

Moreover, its likely limited practical impact results from the fact that the guidance simply ignores that the EU rules (especially discretionary ones) need to be embedded in the Member States’ administrative/public law system and, in many places, the guidance is at odds with the latter. In that regard, the guidance seems to presume a sort of sphere of subjective rights for contracting authorities that they are capable of exercising even against the decisions of other (superior/centralised) administrative authorities, or in disregard of broader constraints and requirements for administrative action—such as burden of proof, the duty to state reasons, the increasing enforceability of exclusion grounds against other tenderers, or the very practical implications of risking damages compensation for unlawful exclusion—which is (as far as I know) an area of constant interest for tenderers and practitioners alike.

To be fair, this in part follows from the stance of the Court of Justice in some recent cases (referred to in the guidance), but that is still no excuse for the Commission’s guidance not to recognise that Member States retain significant discretion in their administrative self-organisation and that some of the issues raised in the practical implementation of the relevant provisions will be conditioned by pre-existing administrative law doctrines and procedures.

The most glaring example of this approach that sidesteps the difficulties in the domestic implementation of EU procurement law is the fact that the guidance simply states that ‘The possibility to exclude an economic operator for suspected collusion is not construed in the Directive as a penalty for its behaviour before or during the award procedure’ (section 5.2). That is at face value fine. But the Directive also does not say that exclusion is not a penalty or a sanction and, consequently, establishing the legal nature of an exclusion will be dependent on the relevant public/administrative law framework at Member State level. Moreover, exclusion has been framed as a penalty in at least one recent preliminary reference and the Court of Justice has not disabused the referring court from that prima facie legal classification (see eg Tim, C-395/18, EU:C:2020:58). Given the increasing relevance of the Charter of Fundamental Rights in the interpretation of economic operators’ rights in the context of procurement litigation, I think it is far from certain that exclusion will not be construed as a (quasi)penalty, in particular when it is grounded on the infringement of prohibitive legal rules (such as Art 101 TFEU), rather than on shortcomings in the standing of the economic operator or non-compliance of its tender with substantive and formal requirements included in the tender documents.

To my mind, this (ie the nature of exclusion measures) can be one of the thorniest interpretive issues in this area, particularly because of the due process implications of exclusion being treated as a penalty or sanction—which is also not helped by the absence in the Remedies Directive of any procedural requirements applicable to the exclusion stage. The perpetuation of this disconnect with the Member States’ administrative law framework can in itself constitute the quicksands where the bid rigging exclusion guidance disappears, and certainly can continue to prevent an adequate use of the possibility to exclude tenderers suspected of bid rigging, because the fundamental issues raised by Art 57(4)(d) Dir 2014/24/EU remain unresolved — coupled with other sweeping statements concerning e.g. the level of demonstrability of the suspected collusion that contracting authorities need to meet (as discussed below).

For these and the reasons given below, I am afraid that the bid rigging exclusion guidance will not leave up to the expectations. I will carry out a more detailed and formal assessment of the guidance in a future research paper (likely after my shared parental leave… so not until mid summer or so), but here are my further initial observations, which do not attempt to be comprehensive.

Framing the issue

For those interested in understanding how to interpret and apply Art 57(4)(d) and the associated Art 57(6) self-cleaning possibilities, only section 5 and the Annex of the bid rigging exclusion guidance will be relevant. Indeed, the bid rigging exclusion guidance includes a rather lengthy explanation of what the Commission has done and what it expects to do (or for Member States to do) in the broader area of professionalisation and promotion of collaboration between competition and procurement authorities, which makes the document not very practical. This raises some questions on the fitness for purpose of the document, and whether alternative guidance format that had discharged most of sections 1 to 4 onto a different policy document would have been preferable, but perhaps this is mostly just presentational.

One of the most welcome aspects of the bid rigging exclusion guidance is that, in section 5.2, it makes it clear that the ground for exclusion based on suspected ‘contemporaneous’ collusion (or bid rigging) in Article 57(4)(d) of Directive 2014/24/EU is separate from (and compatible with) the possibility of excluding infringers of competition law as economic operators ‘guilty of grave professional misconduct’ under Article 57(4)(c). It is also to be welcome that, also in section 5.2, the Commission shares the view that, despite the different wording of Art 57(4)(d) and Art 101 TFEU, the former needs to be interpreted in a Treaty-consistent manner, which means that the exclusion must be possible for all types of behaviours caught by Art 101 TFEU — notably, concerted practices and decisions by associations of undertakings, in addition to agreements [for discussion, and advancing the positions now confirmed by the guidance, see A Sanchez-Graells, Public Procurement and the EU Competition Rules (2nd edn, Hart 2015) 296 ff].

The Commission also rightly stresses that contracting authorities in principle retain discretion not to exclude economic operators suspected of bid rigging, as the exclusion ground in Art 57(4)(d) is discretionary. However, this obviates not only the possibility for Member States to transpose it as a mandatory exclusion ground, but also more general EU law duties (such as the duty not to deprive Art 101 TFEU of its effet utile), and domestic administrative law duties (such as equivalent duties not to promote or tolerate illegal activity, or duties mandating inter-administrative collaboration with competition authorities). In that regard, the bid rigging exclusion guidance could have usefully developed a checklist of reasons that could (objectively) justify not excluding economic operators despite there being sufficiently plausible indications to conclude that the economic operator had entered into agreements with other economic operators aimed at distorting competition. In the end, it will not (or should not) be entirely up to the contracting authority to decide to turn a blind eye on those indicia.

Lack of practical guidance, or guidance that is impractical

Despite the largely correct framing of the issue, and despite acknowledging that tackling bid rigging in procurement is fraught with difficulties, the bid rigging exclusion guidance fails to deliver the much needed practical orientations on how to identify contemporaneous bid rigging and how to apply (as opposed to interpret) the relevant exclusion ground of Art 57(4)(d) Dir 2014/24.

The guidance does not really provide practical tips on how to identify bid rigging in a single tender scenario (which is the most likely to be faced by most contracting authorities). If indications of the existence of bid rigging that require cross-sectional or time series analysis are left to one side (as those are generally not for contracting authorities, but rather for competition authorities to screen for and analyse), and with the exception of flagging as suspicious unexpected tender withdrawals (annex, section 3), the only indications highlighted in the guidance (section 5.3) are:

  • The text of the tenders (for instance, the same typos or phrases in different tenders or comments left by mistake in the text of the tender indicating collusion among tenderers).

  • The prices offered in the award procedure (for instance, tenderers who ... offer excessively high or low prices) [although the interaction of this with the rules on abnormally low tenders is not explored]

  • Administrative details (for instance, tenders submitted by the same business representative)

This is then slightly expanded in the annex (section 3), which details indicia such as:

  • Identical mistakes or spelling errors in different tenders.

  • Different tenders drafted with similar handwriting [in 2021!] or typeface [except default in most commonly used software applications, one would hope!].

  • Tenders using another tenderer’s letterhead or contact details.

  • Different tenders with identical miscalculations or identical methodologies to estimate the cost of certain items.

  • Tenders submitted by the same person or with persons having the same contact details.

This can only help contracting authorities identify clumsy economic operators, potentially involved in collusion. However, in all seriousness, this is unlikely to result in much practical results as once these types of issues are included in official guidelines, it is likely that economic operators will make sure to avoid those mistakes when thy submit rigged bids [for discussion, in the context of automated treatment of bids, see A Sanchez-Graells, '"Screening for Cartels" in Public Procurement: Cheating at Solitaire to Sell Fool’s Gold?' (2019) 10(4) Journal of European Competition Law & Practice 199–211].

The guidance also incurs in temporal inconsistencies, such as when it uses as an indication of bid rigging that contracting authorities should take into account for the purposes of exclusion: ‘The selected tenderer subcontracting work to unsuccessful tenderers for the same contract or the selected tenderer not accepting to sign the contract and later found to be a subcontractor of the tenderer that is finally awarded the contract may be considered sufficiently plausible indications of collusion’ (annex). This can well be an indication of bid rigging, but at this stage no exclusion can take place because the contract will have been awarded. Consequently, the relevant consequence here should be reporting this issue to the competition authority as well as, where possible, terminating the contract (which is not, however, explicitly foreseen in the Directive).

The guidance is also somewhat naive or flippant, for example in its remarks concerning the contracting authority’s (potential) knowledge that a tenderer ‘has pre-ordered the material needed to perform the specific contract in question well before the evaluation of the tenders is concluded’. Quite how a contracting authority would get to this knowledge, or how specific the pre-order should be for it not to be susceptible of confusion with just a standard supply of the economic operators is anybody’s guess.

It can also generate confusion when it, on the one hand, recommends resorting to centralised procurement as a way of avoiding collusion and, on the other, stresses that framework agreements managed by central purchasing bodies are more susceptible to collusion than ordinary tender procedures (annex, section 2).

Moreover, the guidance lacks detail in crucial aspects and, in particular, concerning the extremely complex analysis of joint tenders and subcontracting among (potential) competitors (section 5.6). Here, the Commission’s guidance does not even cross-refer to the more detailed guidelines published by some Member States’ competition authorities — notably, the Danish Competition and Consumers Authority. Similarly, the guidance largely brushes over the complex issue of multiple participation by economic operators belonging to the same corporate group (section 5.5), and also sets aside the difficulties of deciding the scope of application of exclusion decisions that need to respect the doctrine of the single economic entity under competition law [for discussion, see K Kuzma and W Hartung, Combating Collusion in Public Procurement (Elgar, 2020)].

Let’s ignore the administrative legal framework

The Commission’s bid rigging exclusion guidance largely ignores the administrative legal framework at Member State level. This is not only in relation to the treatment of exclusion as (not) a penalty, but also in relation to evidentiary requirements and the related duty to provide reasons. In that regard, the literal interpretation of the Directive leading to the conclusion that ‘national rules should comply with both the letter and the spirit of the Directive, which requires only “indications” of participating in illegal agreements that distort competition in an award procedure and not formal evidence, such as a court judgment confirming such participation’ (section 5.4) is misleading and conflates the need for a prior administrative or judicial decision with the existence of ‘evidence’ of collusion.

First, the guidance is right to exclude the need for a previous administrative or judicial decision, but that should not be treated as excluding ‘evidence’ of collusion, but rather as a precedent decision that has the effects of (quasi) res iudicata or, at least, constitutes a legal fact that the contracting authority cannot ignore. It is also wrong to indicate that ‘plausible indications’ of collusion include, for example, ‘information brought to the attention of the contracting authority of an investigation launched by the competition authority or of penal charges brought against the management of the operator for suspected collusion either in the pending award procedure or in other award procedures’, as this raises fundamental issues concerning the presumption of inocence (which treatment will also differ across jurisdictions, depending on e.g. the trigger for the opening of an administrative investigation). Here the guidance makes the reverse mistake of conflating a formal decision with the evidence (presumably) underpinning it.

Second, the guidance ignores the legal meaning of ‘evidence’ when it establishes that ‘contracting authorities are not required to have evidence of collusion in a pending award procedure, as this would contradict the letter of the Directive’. ‘Plausible indicia’ are a type of evidence, falling short of direct (uncontrovertible) evidence, but clearly above the absence of evidence. This should have been clear from the excerpt that the guidance quotes, where the CJEU stressed that ‘anti-competitive behaviour, “may be proved not only by direct evidence, but also through indicia, provided that they are objective and consistent and that the related tenderers are in a position to submit evidence in rebuttal”’ (Specializuotas transportas, C-531/16, EU:C:2018:324, paragraph 37).

Indiciary evidence is still evidence and the unresolved problem is where to draw the line to decide that the contracting authority has enough evidentiary support to adopt an exclusion decision. Moreover, this is of paramount relevance to the adequate discharge of the duty to state reasons. Here, it not only is impossible for a contracting authority to act in the absence of evidence, but the administrative file will usually be accessible to the economic operator for the purposes of its legal defence. This makes the further recommendation for contracting authorities not to disclose to economic operators that they suspect the existence of bid rigging largely impractical, as the contracting authority will only be able to keep this under wraps up to the point where it must make a formal decision and notification to the economic operator affected by the (potential) exclusion.

Some problematic statements

Unfortunately, in addition to the shortcomings stressed above (and some others), the guidance includes some unhelpful statements concerning the interpretation and application of Art 57(7) of Directive 2014/24/EU, in particular when it states that ‘If an economic operator, who has been excluded from award procedures for a certain period under Article 57(7) of the Directive, submits a tender during the period of exclusion, the contracting authority, without any further need for assessment, must automatically reject that tender’ (section 5.9), and when it reiterates that ‘It goes without saying that if the economic operator has been excluded from all award procedures in your country for a period of time and submits a tender during this period, you must exclude it from your award procedure without assessing the tender submitted.’ (section 3 of Annex) (both emphases added).

These statements are, at best, confusing and misleading and, at worse, legally incorrect. In that regard, it should be stressed that Art 57(6) Dir 2014/24/EU is very clear that the conditions for lengthy exclusions stipulated by Member States in the implementation of Art 57(7) are to be applied ‘if no measures as specified in paragraph 6 are taken by the economic operator to demonstrate its reliability’. Therefore, the statements above should have made it clear that further assessment is required and contracting authorities must carry it out where an economic operator, who has been excluded from award procedures for a certain period under Article 57(7) of the Directive, submits a tender during the period of exclusion and it claims to have implemented the sort of measures detailed in Art 57(6).

This is the sort of problematic drafting that should be avoided in official guidance and, in this instance, rectified by the Commission as soon as possible.

Final thoughts

On the whole, a first reading of the guidance does not call for optimism. While the Commission’s bid rigging exclusion guidance does contain some useful information, it is at its weakest in relation to the particularities of the interpretation and application of Art 57(4)(d) and related provisions of Directive 2014/24/EU, which are supposed to constitute its core concentration.

I would not be surprised if contracting authorities found little to no comfort in the guidance when pondering how to address the key issue of how to spot collusion in single-tender settings, how to decide if there are sufficient plausible indications, and how to go about the adoption of an exclusion decision that is, in almost all likelihood, going to be challenged on the basis that it constitutes a sanction/penalty for a (suspected) breach of competition law that the contracting authority has no competence to enforce, or which has not followed the heightened procedural requirements of procedures leading to the imposition of a sanction. It should be obvious that exclusion on these grounds generates the additional risk of a follow-on investigation by the competition authority and/or private litigation, so no economic operator should be expected to just accept an exclusion on grounds of contemporaneous bid rigging under Art 57(4)(d) Dir 2014/24/EU (or, rather, its domestic transposition).

I will continue reflecting on the guidance and its implications, and I am sure there will be a lively debate in the months and years to come. As always, any feedback and comments will be most welcome.

UK regulation after Brexit -- Public procurement

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Negotiating the Future’ – a part of ‘UK in a Changing Europe’ – together with the Centre for Competition Policy, and Brexit & Environment have published a very interesting report on 'UK regulation after Brexit' that maps the new regulatory settlement in the wake of the UK’s withdrawal from the EU. The report shows how Brexit has not resulted in significant regulatory divergence except in some areas (such as immigration or agricultural subsidies), how the potential for future deviation from the EU baseline is constrained by the EU-UK TCA and other international treaties, and how the UK regulatory infrastructure is now rather strained and faces significant challenges to ensure the effectiveness of important regulatory areas, in particular concerning environmental protection or the yet to be defined mechanism for the control of subsidies.

I was invited to contribute my analysis of the immediate regulatory changes on procurement (below), which I believe show similar trends to other areas of regulation discussed in the report by leading colleagues. I would recommend reading the report in full to get a good sense of where UK regulation may be headed in the next few years, as well as the more immediate regulatory gaps.

Public procurement regulation

 EU public procurement law creates a regulatory regime that is best understood as comprising two tiers. The lower tier is largely procedural and creates specific obligations for contracting authorities running procurement procedures. The higher tier imposes substantive obligations on the member states that aim to ensure the proper functioning of the internal market for public contracts. EU procurement law also creates mechanisms for the gathering and sharing of information across Member States, such as the Single Market Scoreboard and, especially, e-Certis. While the lower regulatory tier is enforced domestically, though preliminary references can be made to the Court of Justice of the European Union for its interpretation of particular provisions, the higher regulatory tier and the system as a whole is monitored by the European Commission.The UK has transposed EU public procurement law through two sets of regulations: one applies in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, the other in Scotland. The UK Government has consistently limited the transposition of EU public procurement rules to a very strict ‘copy-out’ approach to avoid gold-plating, i.e. to avoid going beyond the minimum required by EU rules. The close alignment of UK and EU rules has the benefit of ensuring compliance with the World Trade Organisation Government Procurement Agreement (GPA), of which the UK was, until the end of the transition, a member through its membership of the EU.

 What changes after the end of transition?

The UK Government has attempted to keep the regulatory status quo as unchanged as possible. However, since the mechanisms for collaborating with EU member states have disappeared, the UK has introduced secondary rules to replace EU-wide platforms, and to reallocate powers and functions previously assigned to the European Commission. The Public Procurement (Amendment etc) (EU Exit) Regulations 2020 included the creation of a UK e-notification service to replace the current EU-wide publication of procurement notices through the Official Journal of the EU (TED), and the reallocation to the Minister for the Cabinet Office of the powers and functions of the European Commission.

The issue of the platform where contract opportunities are published has become less important in an age of open data, since a common standard will facilitate automated processing. Also, most of the powers of the Commission are limited to adjusting EU rules to changes in the GPA, which the UK will have to carry out as well, and to monitoring compliance with the EU rules. This has probably kept the reallocation of the Commission’s powers to the Cabinet Office relatively unnoticed, although it can result in diminished scrutiny of the exercise of ministerial discretion—which the Covid-19 crisis has already evidenced. The key operational change is the decoupling of the UK from e-Certis and the associated system of European Single Procurement Document (ESPD). The effect will be to raise the administrative costs of EU companies seeking to tender for contracts in the UK and UK companies wanting to tender for contracts in the rest of the EU—although the EU-UK TCA seeks to minimise this impact by providing that ‘procuring entities [should] not require suppliers to submit all or part of the supporting evidence … unless this is necessary to ensure the proper conduct of the procurement’ (Art PPROC.5). This opens the door to mutual recognition of the EU’s ESPD and the UK’s new Single Procurement Document (SPD).

 Limited change?

The UK gained GPA membership on its own right on 1 January 2021. To facilitate that process, the UK ‘Government has sought to replicate the EU’s coverage schedules under the GPA … in a form that is as close to the form of the EU’s agreements as possible’. The same strategy has been followed in other bilateral agreements between the EU and third countries, which the UK is also seeking to reproduce. Here, too, the UK Government’s approach is to minimise change, at least as it concerns its access to non-EU procurement markets, and the openness of its own markets to third countries.

The UK’s accession to the GPA already guaranteed a high level of continuity in EU-UK procurement-related trade (safe in utilities and defence)because the EU is also a GPA member. Beyond that, in the Political Declaration, the UK and the EU agreed that they ‘should provide for mutual opportunities in [their] respective public procurement markets beyond their commitments under the GPA in areas of mutual interest, without prejudice to their domestic rules to protect their essential security interests.’

The EU-UK TCA indeed creates GPA+ market access, as detailed in Section B of Annex PPROC-1, including a range of services but with the explicit exclusion of healthcare. That high level of mutual access to procurement markets can only be subjected to future modifications, but not reductions (Art PPROC.15). Crucially, the EU-UK TCA requires national treatment beyond covered procurement for ‘suppliers of the other Party established in [one Party’s] territory through the constitution, acquisition or maintenance of a legal person’ (Art PPROC.13), which effectively ensures a continuation of current requirements for procurement below EU/GPA-thresholds where there is a ‘domestic’ presence of suppliers engaged in EU-UK procurement-related trade. This may however trigger the need to legally incorporate existing business branches on both sides of the Channel, for those suppliers previously relying on general free movement rules.

Any disputes regarding market access will be dealt with by a newly created Trade Specialised Committee on Public Procurement (Art INST.2). The EU and the UK have also agreed to cooperate ‘in the international promotion of the mutual liberalisation of public procurement markets’ (Art PPROC.19), which is more likely to be productive if their own market access commitments remain aligned.

Lastly, there is the issue of the more detailed regulation of public procurement – the lower tier of EU procedural rules or ‘procurement law’. The wording of the commitment in the Political Declaration ‘to standards based on those of the GPA ensuring transparency of market opportunities, public procurement rules, procedures and practices’ had suggested that the UK might move away from the detail of EU procurement law, albeit within the narrow margin of variation allowed by the GPA. The UK Government repeatedly expressed a willingness to reform (and deregulate) UK public procurement law. There is nothing in the EU-UK TCA preventing that, save for some explicit procedural rules eg on the use of electronic means (Art PPROC.3), on selective tendering (Art PPROC.8), or procurement remedies (Art PPROC.11). The UK Government recently published a green paper laying out reform options that will be open to public consultation until early March 2021.

Although the green paper formulates some ambitious proposals and there have been calls from some involved in the shaping of the green paper to introduce a significant reform, it is uncertain whether the UK Government will end up pushing for a model significantly different from the existing one—not least because the green paper follows an ‘EU law+’ approach.(*) The current EU-based regime is highly flexible and the introduction of a radically different set of rules would raise barriers for companies looking to tender across borders. It could also lead to greater divergence between the four nations of the UK, even if the UK Government expects public procurement to be covered by the ‘common frameworks’ that it is developing with the devolved administrations.
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This was not included in the report but, for those interested in the Green Paper, there is further analysis here, here and here.

New SSRN article on the UK's 'Transforming Public Procurement' Green Paper

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I have uploaded on SSRN the new article ‘The UK’s Green Paper on Post-Brexit Public Procurement Reform: Transformation or Overcomplication?’, which will appear in the European Procurement & Public Private Partnership Law Review soon. The article builds on my earlier submission to the ongoing public consultation (still open, submissions accepted until 10 March 2021). The abstract is as follows:

In December 2020, seeking to start cashing in on its desired ‘Brexit dividends’, the UK Government published the Green Paper ‘Transforming Public Procurement’. The Green Paper sets out a blueprint for the reform of UK public procurement law that aims to depart from the regulatory baseline of EU law and deliver a much-touted ‘bonfire of procurement red tape’. The Green Paper seeks ‘to speed up and simplify [UK] procurement processes, place value for money at their heart, and unleash opportunities for small businesses, charities and social enterprises to innovate in public service delivery’. The Green Paper seeks to do so by creating ‘a progressive, modern regime which can adapt to the fastmoving environment in which business operates’ underpinned by ‘a culture of continuous improvement to support more resilient, diverse and innovative supply chains.’ I argue that the Green Paper has very limited transformative potential and that its proposals merely represent an ‘EU law +’ approach to the regulation of public procurement that would only result in an overcomplicated regulatory infrastructure, additional administrative burdens for both public buyers and economic operators, and tensions and contradictions in the oversight model. I conclude that a substantial rethink is needed if the Green Paper’s goals are to be achieved.

The full paper is free to download: Sanchez-Graells, Albert, The UK’s Green Paper on Post-Brexit Public Procurement Reform: Transformation or Overcomplication? (February 17, 2021). To be published in (2021) European Procurement & Public Private Partnership Law Review, forthcoming, Available at SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=3787380. As always, feedback most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

'Public procurement' for Global Dictionary of Competition Law

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I have been invited to contribute an entry on ‘public procurement’ for a new Global Dictionary of Competition Law (Concurrences Books, forthcoming). The initial draft of the entry is below. Comments welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

Public Procurement
Albert Sanchez-Graells
University of Bristol Law School

Definition

Public procurement rules govern the award of government or public contracts for the acquisition of supplies, works or services, including the direct provision of public services to citizens. Public procurement rules seek to foster effective competition for public contracts to generate value for money, and to harness competition as an anticorruption tool to ensure integrity and probity in the expenditure of public funds. The main challenges to effective competition in public procurement settings are bid rigging (or collusion among bidders), which risk is heightened by the transparency inherent to procurement processes, and anticompetitive requirements imposed by the public buyer.

Commentary

The effectiveness of public procurement and its ability to deliver value for money depend on the existence of two layers of competition: competition in the market for the goods, works or services to be acquired, and competition within the tender for a specific contract. While most competition analysis focuses on the existence (or absence) of competition within the tender and tends to assimilate this with models of competition for the market, this is a short-sighted approach. Except for very rare public contracts for goods, services or works for which the public buyer is a monopsonist—mainly in sectors such as defence—most public tenders take place in a framework of competition in the market, and one with many private and public buyers seeking to purchase from a range of potential suppliers (for example, tenders for the acquisition of cloud services, general supplies, or school meals). Therefore, it is important not only to ensure that procurement rules and administrative practices prevent distortions of competition within a given tender, but also that they do not generate negative knock-on effects on (dynamic) competition in the relevant market.

The most commonly discussed distortion of competition within a public tender concerns anticompetitive agreements between bidders (bid rigging) that seek to manipulate the competition for the public contract and to extract excessive rents from the public buyer. The mechanics of bid rigging schemes are widely understood, including predominant strategies such as cover bidding, bid suppression, bid rotation and market allocation. However, these anticompetitive practices are also difficult to prevent in oligopolistic or concentrated markets because the transparency inherent to public tenders significantly facilitates monitoring of the cartelists’ bidding behaviour, and because the atomisation of public tenders requires a significant investment in market screening tools to spot suspicious patterns across regional markets and over time. Fighting cartels in public procurement settings has become a high priority for most competition authorities in recent years, in part as a result of the OECD’s work on this area—see its 2012 Recommendation on Fighting Bid Rigging in Public Procurement—as well as the push by the International Competition Network. There is also hope in the development of effective systems of automated screening and red flags where public procurement is conducted electronically (of which there is longstanding experience eg in Korea in relation to its eProcurement platform KONEPS), but these require a solid procurement data architecture which absence has marred recent attempts in jurisdictions such as the UK and its now abandoned ‘Screening for cartels’ tool.

An additional difficulty in ensuring effective competition within a given tender derives from the unclear boundary between anticompetitive practices such as bid rigging and procompetitive cooperation through teaming, joint bidding and subcontracting arrangements between bidders. There is currently significant debate about the limits to cooperation between (potential) competitors in the context of procurement procedures, as well as whether it should be treated as a restriction of competition by object or by effect for the purposes of Article 101 TFEU. The debate is particularly alive in Scandinavian countries, following a 2016 Decision by the EFTA Court in the Ski and Follo Taxi case, and a more recent 2019 Judgment by the Danish Supreme Court in the Road Markings case, which has led to a revision of the Danish Competition and Consumer Authority’s guidelines on joint bidding. The main points of contention about the state of the law concern the counterfactual to be used to determine that joint bidders are (potential) competitors, as well as the measurement of any efficiencies passed on to the public buyer.

In order to empower public buyers to self-protect against bid rigging and to strengthen the effectiveness of competition law in public procurement settings, EU procurement rules have created discretionary grounds for the exclusion of bidders ‘where the contracting authority has sufficiently plausible indications to conclude that the economic operator has entered into agreements with other economic operators aimed at distorting competition’, as well as in cases ‘where the contracting authority can demonstrate by appropriate means that the economic operator is guilty of grave professional misconduct, which renders its integrity questionable’—which the Court of Justice of the EU has interpreted as inclusive of non-procurement related breaches of competition law (Generali-Providencia Biztosító). Recent Court of Justice case law has clarified the extent to which these exclusion grounds are applicable where bidders have benefitted from leniency, as well as the intensity of the duty to cooperate incumbent upon bidders seeking to avoid exclusion through self-cleaning measures (Vossloh Laeis). The system created under the EU rules is converging with those of other major jurisdictions, such as the US, where the Federal Acquisitions Regulations allow for similar approaches to assessing the responsiveness (or reliability) of bidders engaged in anticompetitive practices.

Beyond the abovementioned issues, which are all concerned with bidder behaviour, it is important to stress that competition within a public tender can be restricted through decisions made by the public buyer, such as the imposition of excessive participation requirements, the choice of suppliers in less than fully open procedures or foreclosure through eg the use of excessively broad and excessively long framework agreements. Such restrictions of competition can not only generate losses of value for money in the allocation of the specific contract, but also have negative effects on dynamic competition in the relevant market. Unfortunately, the direct application of competition law (ie Article 102 TFEU) to the public buyer has been excluded by the case law of the Court of Justice, except in rather rare situations where the public buyer is engaged in downstream market activities (FENIN). However, a principle of competition has been explicitly enshrined in EU public procurement law to prevent public buyers from ‘artificially narrowing competition’, in particular where ‘the design of the procurement is made with the intention of unduly favouring or disadvantaging certain economic operators’. This is a promising tool to prevent publicly-generated restrictions of competition in public procurement settings, although its interpretation generates some difficulties and its application is yet to be tested in the EU Courts.

Case References

Case C-205/03 P FENIN v Commission, EU:C:2006:453.

Case C-470/13 Generali-Providencia Biztosító, EU:C:2014:2469.

Case C-124/17 Vossloh Laeis, EU:C:2018:855.

EFTA Court, Judgment in Case E-3/16, Ski Taxi SA, Follo Taxi SA og Ski Follo Taxidrift AS v Staten v/Konkurransetilsynet, 22 December2016.

Danish Supreme Court, Judgment in the Road Markings case, 27 November 2019. The case is not available in English, but a comprehensive discussion by Heidi Sander Løjmand can be found at https://www.howtocrackanut.com/blog/2019/11/28/the-danish-supreme-courts-ruling-in-the-road-marking-case-the-end-of-a-joint-bidding-era-guest-post-by-heidi-sander-ljmand-msc [accessed 22 Jan 2021].

Bibliography

Robert Anderson, William Kovacic and Anna Caroline Müller, Promoting Competition and Deterring Corruption in Public Procurement Markets: Synergies with Trade Liberalisation (2016) http://e15initiative.org/publications/promoting-competition-and-deterring-corruption-in-public-procurement-markets-synergies-with-trade-liberalisation/ [accessed 22 Jan 2021].

Alison Jones, ‘Spotlight on Cartels: Bid Rigging Affecting Public Procurement’ (Concurrentialiste, 16 Nov 2020) https://leconcurrentialiste.com/jones-bid-rigging/ [accessed 22 Jan 2021].

Katarzyna Kuźma and Wojciech Hartung, Combating Collusion in Public Procurement. Legal Limitations on Joint Bidding (Edward Elgar 2020).

Albert Sanchez-Graells, Public Procurement and the EU Competition Rules (2nd edn, Hart 2015), Chapter 5.

Albert Sanchez-Graells, ‘“Screening for Cartels” in Public Procurement: Cheating at Solitaire to Sell Fool’s Gold?’ (2019) 10(4) Journal of European Competition Law & Practice 199-211.

Response to Consultation on the Green Paper 'Transforming Public Procurement'

I have submitted a response to the public consultation on the Green Paper ‘Transforming Public Procurement’. The executive summary is below, and the full submission is accessible (via dropbox). The submission raises a number of issues that are likely to be debatable, so I look forward to engaging in further discussions. As always, feedback most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

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An early winter present? The UK's 'Transforming public procurement' green paper

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The UK Government has published today its green paper on ‘Transforming public procurement’. This is a much awaited publication that will be subjected to public consultation until 10 March 2021. Contributions are encouraged, as this is perhaps a one in a generation opportunity to influence procurement rules. In this blog post, I just aim to provide a hot take on the green paper.

The green paper presents a vision for post-Brexit reform of the UK procurement ‘rule-book’ (for there should be a new, consolidated one), that partially aligns with the proposals of Prof Arrowsmith (see here and here)—and, in fact, Prof Arrowsmith has already published a comparison between her proposals and the green paper (here).

I have just had a read through the green paper and there will be plenty to comment in a submission to the public consultation (stay tuned towards the end of the consultation period). For now, I just have a few observations or rather, general thoughts, that I will need to mull over.

In very many respects, the green paper is is an indictment of the copy-out approach to the transposition of the EU rules in the UK (on which see here). For example, many of the reform proposals are compatible with the current EU rules and relate to areas where the UK decided not to transpose discretionary mechanisms (eg around subcontractor pay). Similarly, most of the proposals on remedies and enforcement mechanisms would be compatible with the current remedies rules. Other proposals seek to create some flexibility beyond the existing EU constraints although, to be fair, most of those are subjected to exceptional circumstances to be regulated by ‘clear regulatory frameworks’ yet to be defined, and which workability raises a few questions.

Other reform proposals concern the (past) unwillingness to impose more demanding standards (eg on publication of transparency) than those mandated by the Directives on grounds of avoiding gold-plating, which now seems to be gone—or the unwillingness or inability to impose obligations to which the UK Government had committed (eg in terms of OCDS or, again, concerning the publication of information). In that regard, the vision behind the green paper seems to be willing to create a much more developed (or far-reaching) regulatory architecture for procurement, which would be welcome.

However, this is directly in tension with another of the driving forces underpinning the green paper’s vision: deregulation and the will to create spaces for the exercise of ‘commercial judgement’ at contracting authority level. This creates a dual tension. On the one hand, the more sophisticated architecture would rely on bare bones procedural rules and would ultimately impose high transaction costs on both contracting authorities and tenderers (which the green paper acknowledges, but dismisses as ‘bedding in problems’). This could be a high-powered incentive to rely on centralised procurement organised by central purchasing bodies, although there is no clarity on the strategic approach to this in the green paper. On the other hand, relatedly, it should be noted that (if read between the lines?) the green paper is also an indictment on the current status of the commercial capacity of (most of the) UK’s public sector, as there are constant calls for more training, upskilling and quality control in the functioning of the procurement function.

This creates a chicken and egg problem on the suitability of the deregulatory approach to reforming the rules to create more commercial space. Most of the proposals are advanced on the (implicit empirical) basis that the flexibility of the existing framework is insufficient (or, rather, insufficiently exploited). This should raise a few questions on whether seriously committing to increase commercial capability and training investment would not suffice. Additionally, if we are starting at a low level of commercial capability, it would seem that creating a more deregulated framework will require even higher (ie beyond catch-up) investment in commercial upskilling. Whether the two moves should take place at the same time should be thought-trough (not least because it will be difficult to train anyone on a new system, on which there will be limited, if any, amount of reliable trainers).

In quite a few other respects, the green paper seems premised on the existence of large regulatory divergences between the GPA and the EU regime (on which see here). While this is the case in some areas, such as remedies, in most other areas the space between both regulatory baselines is narrower than the green paper would suggest, and the scope for reform is limited. This is most evident in the relabelling of procedures or award criteria, which effectively seem to seek to mask the narrowness of the regulatory space (if you cannot really change something, at least call it something different).

I am also surprised at the apparent EU-obsession underlying the green paper, which is also largely a criticism of the current EU rules (as directly copied into UK law, see above), and the complete lack of reference to useful tools for the design of a procurement system, such as the UNCITRAL Model Law and its guide to enactment. It may not have been a bad idea to seek to rely on that sort of guidelines to a larger extent, at least if the new regime is to draw on tested solutions. However, much of the green paper seems to want to achieve an ‘EU+’ level of procurement regulation (notoriously, in the regulation of a new so-called DPS+ commercial vehicle) or, perhaps, to create the next ‘world leading’ system of procurement (which would not be totally disaligned with other approaches of the current UK Government). Whether this will be a successful strategy remains to be seen.

Finally, there are a few strange elements in the green paper, which may be the result of current times (such as the extensive focus on the creation of new rules for crisis procurement), or a reflection of the particular interests of some of the actors involved in driving the reform forward (such as the explicit recognition of the possibility to charge suppliers fees for their participation in commercial vehicles, such as the proposed new DPS+, which seems to be of strategic importance to central purchasing bodies).

All in all, there is plenty to reflect upon. So this may be a good note on which to close the ‘procurement year’. I hope all readers will have a good winter break and to see you back here after the (long) hiatus, as I disappear into the horizon on my period of shared parental leave. All the best!

Combating collusion in procurement: webinar recording and slides

It was a pleasure to host today the book launch of Katarzyna Kuźma and Dr Wojciech Hartung's Combating Collusion in Public Procurement. Legal Limitations on Joint Bidding (Edward Elgar, 2020). The authors were joined by Dr hab. Piotr Bogdanowicz and Jesper Fabricius, as well as yours truly, to discuss recent developments in the treatment of joint bidding under Article 57 of Directive 2014/24/EU, as well as the outstanding legal uncertainty on the interpretation and application of this provision, which Katarzyna and Wojciech have analysed in detail in their book. The slides used for the presentation are available (via dropbox) and a recording of the session (minus Q&A) is also available via the image below (or this link).

The authors would be happy to receive feedback or more general questions about the book and its subject-matter. They can be contacted at katarzyna.kuzma@dzp.pl and wojciech.hartung@dzp.pl.

Open Contracting: Where is the UK and What to Expect?

I had the pleasure of delivering a webinar on ‘Open Contracting Data: Where Are We & What Could We Expect?‘ for the Gloucester branch of the Chartered Institute of Procurement & Supply. The webinar assessed the current state of development and implementation of open contracting data initiatives in the UK. It also considered the main principles and goals of open contracting, as well as its practical implementation, and the specific challenges posed by the disclosure of business sensitive information. The webinar also mapped potential future developments and, more generally, reflected on the relevance of an adequate procurement data infrastructure for the deployment of digital technologies and, in particular, AI. The slides are available (via dropbox) and the recording is also accessible through the image below (as well as via dropbox).

As always, feedback most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

PS. For some an update on recent EBRD/EU sponsored open contracting initiatives in Greece and Poland, see here.

Healthcare procurement: a service of general economic interest?

With thanks to Dr Mary Guy (Lancaster University) for the invitation to speak at her innovative ‘Health in Europe - Virtual Discussion Forum’, below is the recording of my presentation on the treatment of healthcare procurement as a service of general economic interest. The slides are also available.

The presentation explores the case study of the English NHS Supply Chain (for a detailed account of how it works, please see here). However, broader issues of potential relevance in EU jurisdictions considering ways of reforming (and centralising) healthcare procurement are also explored.

This is work in progress for me, so comments most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

As a side note, it is worth stressing that NHS Supply Chain is currently under fire due to its failure to react properly to the PPE challenges derived from the COVID-19 crisis after a scathing National Audit Office report (on which you can watch some comments here).

Collusion in procurement book launch, 10 Dec 2020

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Dear How to Crack a Nut friends,

You are kindly invited to the book launch of Katarzyna Kuźma and Dr Wojciech Hartung's Combating Collusion in Public Procurement. Legal Limitations on Joint Bidding (Edward Elgar, 2020). It will take place online on 10 December 2020 at 11.30 UK time via Zoom. The authors will be joined by Dr hab. Piotr Bogdanowicz and Jesper Fabricius, as well as yours truly, to discuss recent developments in the treatment of joint bidding under Article 57 of Directive 2014/24/EU, as well as the outstanding legal uncertainty on the interpretation and application of this provision, which Katarzyna and Wojciech have analysed in detail in their book.

More details and free registration here: https://www.eventbrite.co.uk/e/combating-collusion-in-public-procurement-book-launch-and-discussion-tickets-130271675087.

All the best, Albert

Two new working papers on procurement & COVID-19

I have uploaded two new, short working papers on procurement and COVID-19 on SSRN. Comments most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.

  1. Procurement and Commissioning during COVID-19: Reflections and (Early) Lessons (October 8, 2020). Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly, forthcoming. Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3709746.
    Abstract: This piece reflects on some common themes that are starting to emerge in the early analysis of the healthcare procurement and commissioning response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Although it largely results from the observation of the situation in the English NHS, the most salient issues are common to procurement in other EU healthcare systems, as well as more broadly across areas of the public sector that have strongly relied on the extremely urgent procurement exception in the aftermath of the first wave of the pandemic. Given the disfunction and abuse of ‘unregulated procurement’ in the context of COVID-19, the piece reflects on the longer term need for suitable procurement rules to face impending challenges, such as Brexit and, more importantly, climate change.

  2. COVID-19 PPE Extremely Urgent Procurement in England. A Cautionary Tale for an Overheating Public Governance (October 14, 2020). To be published in D Cowan and Ann Mumford (eds), Pandemic Legalities (Bristol University Press, forthcoming). Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=3711526.
    Abstract: In this short paper, I reflect on the case study of the procurement of personal protective equipment (PPE) for the English NHS during the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. I put forward two main claims. My first claim is that the UK Government not only was particularly ill-positioned to deal with the pandemic as a result of years of austerity and the institutional unsettling resulting from the continuous reform of the NHS, its internal market and its supply chain—but also due to the imminence of Brexit and its political ramifications. My second contribution is that, in its desperate reaction to the PPE fiasco, the UK Government misused and abused the disapplication of the standard procurement rules on the basis of the ‘extremely urgent need’ exemption. This resulted in the opaque award of large numbers of high value contracts to companies that would not survive basic screening under normal conditions. Overall, my goal is to lay bare the more general problems in the UK Government’s approach to the governance of public procurement and its increasing insularity as a result of Brexit, with the hope that this will show a path for change that could avert even more significant fiascos in the face of the massive challenges that climate change will bring.

I just got off social media. Perhaps you should too

After writing this blog post, I would usually have twitted it, put it on some facebook groups, and on linkedin. This will no longer be the case (except for the blog twitter account), as I have decided to go off social media. I have deleted my twitter account, deactivated my facebook account and will no longer check my linkedin.

I have taken this decision after watching and digesting ‘The Social Dilemma’, although I had been ruminating on it since I watched ‘The Great Hack’. If you watch them, in under 4 hours, you will get a much better explanation for the reasons behind this decision than I could ever articulate. And perhaps you will decide that you, too, should go off social media — or at least change your usage of and relationship with this technology.

I am hoping that this decision will not only make my personal life better, but also my research (though this may perhaps seem bizarre for someone that is precisely researching digital technologies’ use for public governance) and, perhaps, make a small contribution to the sea change required for social media to become a force for good. Of course, I also have a few worries about whether this will muffle my voice, but I hope that there will be other ways of making myself heard where it counts (and, to be honest, I do not think all my shouting into the twitter abyss ever had any effect, so probably not much is lost at all). Whatever happens, at least, I have already felt some relief from knowing I am no longer feeding the data mining while it is an evil force.

Anyone interested in staying touch can still do so through this blog, and I can always be reached at a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk. I look forward to staying in touch.

Regulatory trends in public procurement from a competition lens -- 3 short, provocative presentations

I was asked to record three short (and provocative) presentations on some procurement regulatory trends seen from a competition lens. I thought this could be of some interest, so I am sharing them here. The three presentations and the three sets of slides should be available through the links below. Please email me (a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk) in case of any technical difficulty accessing them, or with any feedback. I hope to start some discussion through the comments section, so please feel free to participate!

1. Transparent procurement: some reflections on its inherent tensions

This short presentation reflects on the tensions between transparency and competition in procurement, with a particular focus on the heightened risks posed by the 'open contracting' movement. It advocates a more nuanced approach to the regulation of procurement transparency in the age of big data [slides].

2. Smart, streamlined procurement: too high hopes for procurement?

This presentation discusses some of the implications and risks resulting from recent regulatory trends in public procurement, from a competition perspective. It focuses on procurement centralisation and the use of procurement to deliver horizontal policies as two of the most salient regulatory trends. It stresses the need for more effective oversight of these more complex forms of procurement [slides].

3. Effective procurement oversight: what to look for & who should do it?

This presentation addresses some of the challenges in creating an effective procurement oversight system. It concentrates on the availability of high quality data, its access by relevant institutions and stakeholders, and the need for a joined up and collaborative approach where multiple entities have oversight powers/duties. It pays particular attention the need for collaboration between contracting authorities and competition authorities [slides].

NHS commissioning and procurement - 2 short lectures and a reading list

I have recorded a series of short lectures on NHS commissioning and procurement for my blended teaching at the University of Bristol Law School this coming academic year. In case they are of any interest, I am sharing two of them here.

The first one covers the organisation and regulation of NHS commissioning and procurement and primarily concentrates on the commissioning of health care services. The second lecture covers the centralisation of ‘hospital procurement’ through the NHS Supply Chain. They should be accessible through the click-through images at the end of the blog post.

The two short lectures aim to provide a (hopefully) accessible introduction to the issues covered in more detail in the accompanying reading list, which mainly comprises the following papers for each of the topics:

1. Organisation and regulation of NHS internal market, with a focus on commissioning and procurement

  • A Maynard and M Dixon, ‘Should the NHS abolish the purchaser-provider split?’, BMJ 2016;354:i3825, available at https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.i3825.

  • C Paton, ‘Garbage-Can Policy-Making Meets Neo-Liberal Ideology: Twenty-five years of redundant reform of the English National Health Service’ (2014) 48(3) Social Policy & Administration 319-342.

  • L Jones, M Exworthy and F Frosini, ‘Implementing Market-based Reforms in the English NHS: Bureaucratic coping strategies and social embeddedness’ (2013) 111(1) Health Policy 52-59.

  • B Collins, ‘Procurement and Competition Rules. Can the NHS be exempted?’ (2015) King’s Fund briefing, available at https://www.kingsfund.org.uk/publications/nhs-procurement-competition-rules.

  • M Guy, ‘Between “Going Private” and “NHS Privatisation”: Patient choice, competition reforms and the relationship between the NHS and private healthcare in England’ (2019) 39(3) Legal Studies 479-498.

  • P Allen et al, ‘Public Contracts as Accountability Mechanisms: Assuring quality in public health care in England and Wales’ (2016) 18(1) Public Management Review 20-39.

  • D Osipovič et al, ‘Interrogating Institutional Change: Actors' Attitudes to Competition and Cooperation in Commissioning Health Services in England’ (2016) 94(3) Public Administration 823-838.

  • P Allen et al, ‘Commissioning through Competition and Cooperation in the English NHS under the Health and Social Care Act 2012: Evidence from a qualitative study of four clinical commissioning groups’, BMJ Open 2017;7:e011745, available at http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2016-011745.

  • M Sanderson, P Allen and D Osipovič, ‘The Regulation of Competition in the National Health Service (NHS): what difference has the Health and Social Care Act 2012 made?’ (2017) 12(1) Health Economics, Policy and Law 1-19.

  • D Osipovič et al, ‘The Regulation of Competition and Procurement in the National Health Service 2015–2018: Enduring hierarchical control and the limits of juridification’ (2020) 15(3) Health Economics, Policy and Law 308-324.

2. Centralisation of NHS procurement

Feedback and suggestions on additional readings most welcome: a.sanchez-graells@bristol.ac.uk.